តើព្រឹត្តិការណ៍ថ្ងៃ១៨ សីហា មានអត្ថន័យដូចម្តេចខ្លះ?

បទអត្ថាធិប្បាយ, ទីស្តីការគណៈរដ្ឋមន្ត្រី, ថ្ងៃទី ២០ ខែ សីហា ឆ្នាំ ២០២៤ (តំណភ្ជាប់)

ការប៉ុនប៉ងរបស់ក្រុមឧទ្ទាមក្រៅប្រទេសក្នុងការពន្យុះឱ្យមានមហាបាតុកម្មនៅថ្ងៃទី១៨ ខែសីហា ដើម្បីបង្កចលាចលនៅក្នុងប្រទេស ដោយយកបញ្ហាកិច្ចសហប្រតិបត្តិការតំបន់ត្រីកោណអភិវឌ្ឍន៍កម្ពុជា-ឡាវ-វៀតណាម ជាលេសដើម្បីឆក់ទាញមនោសញ្ចេតនាជាតិនិយមរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ ត្រូវបានបរាជ័យ។ 

មេបាតុកម្មបានបញ្ជាក់យ៉ាងច្បាស់ពីគោលដៅចុងក្រោយរបស់ខ្លួន ដោយឥតមានលាក់លៀមអ្វីឡើយ នោះគឺការផ្តួលរំលំរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល តាមរយៈការបន្ទុចបង្អាក់ស្ថានភាពសេដ្ឋកិច្ច បញ្ឆេះកំហឹងវណ្ណៈ ស្អប់អ្នកមាន ស្អប់មន្ត្រីរាជការ ស្អប់កងកម្លាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធ និងកំហឹងជាតិនិយម រើសអើងពូជសាសន៍ ដែលនយោបាយជ្រុលនិយមបែបនេះ គឺគ្មានខុសគ្នាអ្វីឡើយពីមនោគមវិជ្ជាប៉ុល ពត។ 

ពួកគេក៏មិនបានលាក់លាម ឬរឹតត្បិតក្រុមបាតុកររបស់ពួកគេមិនឱ្យប្រើហិង្សានោះដែរ គឺគេចង់រុញច្រានស្ថានការណ៍ឱ្យក្តៅគគុក ដូចជាករណីប្រទេសបង់ក្លាដែស ដែលសម្រាប់ពួកគេ គឺជាការបញ្ឆេះឡើងវិញនូវក្តីសង្ឃឹមនៃបដិវត្តន៍ពណ៌ ដែលពួកគេចង់បាន។

យ៉ាងណាក្តី ការប៉ុនប៉ងដ៏អាក្រក់ ដែលចង់បំផ្លាញសន្តិភាពប្រទេសជាតិទាំងមូល ដើម្បីមហិច្ឆតារបស់ពួកគេត្រូវបានបរាជ័យ ដោយសាររាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល និងកងកម្លាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធ បានទប់ស្កាត់បានទាន់ពេលវេលា លើចេតនាបង្កអសន្តិសុខរបស់ក្រុមប្រឆាំង ដោយវិធីសាស្ត្រសន្តិភាព និងការខិតខំពន្យល់ដោយភាពអត់ធ្មត់ជាទីបំផុត ប៉ុន្តែ ទន្ទឹមនេះក៏បានត្រៀមកម្លាំងយ៉ាងមុតមាំ ដើម្បីទប់ទល់នឹងសេណារីយ៉ូអាក្រក់បំផុតផងដែរ។ 

ទាញចេញពីព្រឹត្តិការណ៍នេះ, យើងអាចមើលឃើញពីអត្ថន័យសំខាន់ៗមួយចំនួន៖

ទី១ គឺប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា១៧លាននាក់ នៅតែចង់បានសន្តិភាព និងភាពសុខសាន្ត។ 

ថ្វីត្បិតតែប្រជាជនមួយចំនួន គាត់នៅមានចំងល់ទាក់ទងនឹងកិច្ចសហប្រតិបត្តិការតំបន់ត្រីកោណអភិវឌ្ឍន៍កម្ពុជា-ឡាវ-វៀតណាម ដោយសារតែពួកគាត់ស្រលាញ់ទឹកដីយ៉ាងណាក្តី ពួកគាត់ក៏មិនយល់ព្រមឱ្យមានការបង្កចលាចល អសន្តិសុខសង្គម ដែលបំផ្លាញសេចក្តីសុខរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋទូទាំងប្រទេស ធ្វើឱ្យបាត់ភ្ញៀវទេសចរ និងអ្នកវិនិយោគិន ដែលប្រទេសជាតិទាំងមូលត្រូវការ ដើម្បីប្រកបរបរចិញ្ចឹមជីវិតនោះដែរ។ ពួកគេបានមើលឃើញយ៉ាងច្បាស់ថា ក្រោយបាតុកម្មផ្តួលរំលំរដ្ឋាភិបាលបង់ក្លាដែស វិនិយោគិនជាច្រើនបានរត់ចេញពីប្រទេសនោះ ព្រោះនរណាៗក៏ដឹងដែរថា គ្មានវិនិយោគិនណា គេទៅវិនិយោគដាក់លុយរាប់លានដុល្លារ នៅក្នុងប្រទេសដែលគ្មានសន្តិសុខ និងសុវត្ថិភាពនោះទេ ហើយក៏គ្មានភ្ញៀវទេសចរណាចង់ទៅផ្សងព្រេងជាមួយសម្លេងគ្រាប់កាំភ្លើង និងការរត់ជាន់គ្នានោះដែរ។

ទី២ គឺកម្លាំងឯកភាពដ៏រឹងមាំរបស់កងកម្លាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធ នៅក្នុងការការពារទឹកដី ការពារសន្តិភាព និងរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលអាស្រ័យរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ ដែលកើតចេញពីការបោះឆ្នោត។ 

តាមពិតការចោទប្រកាន់ថា បាត់បង់ខេត្តទាំង៤ (រតនគិរី, មណ្ឌលគិរី, ក្រចេះ និងស្ទឹងត្រែង) គឺជាការប្រមាថទៅលើរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល, ទៅលើប្រជាជនដែលកំពុងរស់នៅក្នុងខេត្តទាំង ៤ ប៉ុន្តែ អ្វីដែលធ្ងន់ធ្ងរជាងគេបំផុតនោះ គឺជាការប្រមាថផ្ទាល់ទៅលើសមត្ថកិច្ចការពារព្រំដែនរបស់កងកម្លាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធរបស់យើងនោះឯង។ ពួកគេពិតជាមិនអាចទទួលយកបានឡើយ នូវការចោទប្រកាន់ ប្រមាថមាក់ងាយ នៅពេលដែលពួកគេត្រូវយាមល្បាតព្រំដែន មិនថាយប់ថ្ងៃ ភ្លៀងផ្គរ សុខចិត្តឃ្លាតឆ្ងាយពីគ្រួសារ ដើម្បីភារកិច្ចការពារជាតិមាតុភូមិ។ 

ពួកគេគឺជាអ្នកស្នេហាជាតិពិតប្រាកដ ដែលហ៊ានពលីជីវិតដើម្បីរក្សាការពារទឹកដីកម្ពុជា ដូច្នេះ ពួកគេពិតជាមានការឈឺចាប់នៅពេលដែលពួកគេខិតខំពន្យល់ពីការពិតនៅទីតាំងជាក់ស្តែង ប៉ុន្តែ ប្រជាជនមួយចំនួននៅតែមិនជឿជាក់ ហើយបែរជាទៅជឿលើជនស្រមើស្រមៃដែលមិនដែលបានជាន់ទឹកដីព្រំដែនទាល់តែសោះនោះ។

ទី៣ កុំមើលស្រាលកម្លាំងគាំទ្រគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា។ 

មន្ត្រីរាជការ បងប្អូនអាជីវករ និងប្រជាពលរដ្ឋទូទៅដែលស្រលាញ់គាំទ្រគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា និងជឿជាក់លើសមត្ថភាពដឹកនាំ និងមនសិការស្នេហាជាតិដ៏ខ្ពង់ខ្ពស់របស់ថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំគណបក្សប្រជាជន ដែលជានិច្ចកាលតែងតែនៅរួមសុខរួមទុក្ខជាមួយប្រជាជន ហ៊ានលះបង់ជីវិតដើម្បីការពារទឹកដីរបស់ខ្លួន, ពួកគេទាំងអស់គ្នាក៏ជាអ្នកស្នេហាជាតិដែរ ហើយគ្មានសមាជិកណាម្នាក់របស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនសុខចិត្តឱ្យបាត់បង់ទឹកដីរបស់ខ្លួននោះទេ។ 

សមាជិករបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនក៏ជាអ្នកស្នេហាជាតិស្រលាញ់ទឹកដីដែរ សុខចិត្តស្លាប់រស់ នៅលើទឹកដីរបស់ខ្លួន។ សមាជិកគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា តែងតែមានភាពចាស់ទុំ និងអត់ធ្មត់ខ្ពស់ ទោះបីជាពេលខ្លះពួកគេទទួលរងការមាក់ងាយ ជេរប្រមាថថា ជាមន្ត្រី ឬពលរដ្ឋ “ហៃអើ” ក៏ដោយ ព្រោះពួកគេបានស្វែងយល់ច្បាស់ពីសុភវិនិច្ឆ័យរបស់ថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល និងគណបក្សប្រជាជន ដែលស្មោះស្ម័គ្រចំពោះជាតិមាតុភូមិ នៅជាប់នឹងទឹកដី នៅជាប់ជាមួយប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ។ ពួកគេមិនយកកំហឹងទល់កំហល់ បំផ្លាញសន្តិភាពរបស់កម្ពុជា បំផ្លាញកេរ្តិ៍ឈ្មោះរបស់ជនជាតិខ្មែរ ដែលបរទេសអាចមាក់ងាយថា ឈ្លោះគ្នាតាំងពីក្នុងស្រុករហូតដល់ក្រៅស្រុកនោះទេ។ 

ប៉ុន្តែ ក្រុមប្រឆាំងក៏មិនត្រូវមើលស្រាលកម្លាំង និងឆន្ទៈមោះមុតរបស់កម្លាំងនៃគណបក្សប្រជាជនដែរ ដូចពាក្យខ្មែរថា “ឃើញខ្លាក្រាបថាខ្លាសំពះ”។

ទី៤ គ្មានទៀតឡើយព្រឹត្តិការណ៍ឆ្នាំ២០១៣។ 

ឯកភាពជាតិផ្ទៃក្នុងគឺជាកម្លាំងទប់ស្កាត់ដ៏រឹងមាំទៅនឹងបដិវត្តន៍ពណ៌ ជាពិសេសគឺកម្លាំងឯកភាពនៃកងប្រដាប់អាវុធ។ កងកម្លាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធមានកាតព្វកិច្ចការពាររាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលស្របច្បាប់ ដែលប្រសូត្រចេញពីការបោះឆ្នោត និងមានភារកិច្ចការពារភាពសុខសាន្តរបស់ប្រជាជនទូទាំងប្រទេស។ 

រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលក្តី កងកម្លាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធក្តី មិនអាចព្រោះតែបុគ្គលមួយក្តាប់តូច សុខចិត្តឱ្យជាតិបែកបាក់ អសន្តិសុខ បាត់បង់សន្តិភាព ស្ថិរភាពនោះទេ។ បើប្រទេសជាតិមានសង្គ្រាម, រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល និងកងកម្លាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធ ត្រូវទទួលខុសត្រូវចំពោះអាយុជីវិតប្រជាជន ១៧លាននាក់ ដូច្នេះ ការអនុវត្តច្បាប់ចំពោះបុគ្គលដែលប្រឆាំងនឹងច្បាប់ គឺជាការពង្រឹងនីតិរដ្ឋទូទៅ ដើម្បីភាពសុខសាន្តនៃប្រទេសជាតិទាំងមូល។ កងកម្លាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធធ្លាប់បានភ្លក់រសជាតិដ៏ជូរចត់រួចមកហើយ នៅពេលដែលកម្ពុជាពុំទាន់បានស្គាល់ និងយល់ពីអ្វីដែលហៅថា បដិវត្តន៍ពណ៌ ប៉ុន្តែ សម្រាប់ពេលនេះ សូមកុំសង្ឃឹមឱ្យសោះថា នឹងអាចមានព្រឹត្តិការណ៍ដូចឆ្នាំ២០១៣ កកើតឡើងវិញសាជាថ្មី។

ទី៥ ព័ត៌មានក្លែងក្លាយគឺជាថ្នាំពុល និងមេរោគសម្លាប់សង្គម។ 

នៅពេលដែលអ្នកធ្វើការងារពិតប្រាកដ និងប្រឡូកផ្ទាល់នឹងការងាររាប់សិបឆ្នាំខិតខំពន្យល់ តែប្រជាជនមិនជឿ បែរជាទៅជឿអ្នកដែលមិនធ្លាប់ប៉ះការងារសូម្បីតែបន្តិច មិនដែលជាន់ទឹកដីសូម្បីតែបន្តិច ហើយគ្រាន់តែពួកគេបង្ហោះព័ត៌មានក្លែងក្លាយ ចោទប្រកាន់រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលតាមការស្រមើស្រមៃរបស់ពួកគេសុទ្ធសាធ បែរជាប្រជាជនមួយចំនួន ជឿស្លុងព័ត៌មានក្លែងក្លាយទាំងនោះទៅវិញ។ 

នេះគឺជាគ្រោះថ្នាក់មួយសម្រាប់សង្គមជាតិ។ 

ព័ត៌មានក្លែងក្លាយអាចធ្វើឱ្យប្រទេសបែកបាក់ និងបង្កអសន្តិសុខបាន។ គ្រោះថ្នាក់ទាំងនេះ យើងឃើញកើតមាននៅប្រទេសផ្សេងទៀតផងដែរ ដូចជានៅអង់គ្លេស ដែលមានការបង្ហោះព័ត៌មានក្លែងក្លាយដើម្បីបញ្ឆេះកំហឹងរើសអើងពូជសាសន៍ បង្កវិទ្ធង្សនាក្នុងសង្គម។ ពិតណាស់ រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលអង់គ្លេសមានសិទ្ធិគ្រប់គ្រាន់ដើម្បីប្រើកណ្តាប់ដៃដែក បំបែកក្រុមប្រឆាំងច្បាប់ បំផ្លាញសង្គម។ នេះគឺជាវិញ្ញាសាដ៏ស្មុគស្មាញមួយ ដែលរដ្ឋាភិបាលលើពិភពលោកត្រូវដោះស្រាយ។ 

ដូច្នេះ ផ្អែកលើការវែកញែកខាងលើ, សារដែលអ្នកនិពន្ធគិតថាសំខាន់បំផុតនោះ មានពីរគឺទី១. ព្រឹត្តិការណ៍ថ្ងៃ១៨ សីហា បានបង្ហាញថា ពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរបានជ្រើសយកសន្តិភាព និងភាពសុខសាន្ត និងមិនចាញ់បោកក្រុមប្រឆាំងដែលសុខចិត្តបំផ្លាញប្រទេសជាតិទាំងមូល ដើម្បីមហិច្ឆតានយោបាយរបស់ខ្លួនឡើយ។ ទី២. គ្មានទៀតឡើយព្រឹត្តិការណ៍បដិវត្តន៍ពណ៌ដូចឆ្នាំ២០១៣។

ស៊ឹម វីរៈ

ក្នុងនាមមន្ត្រីរាជការ និងប្រជាជនខ្មែរមួយរូប

The failure of the opposition in instigating 18 August event

Khmer Times, Opinion, 19 August 2024 (Link)

The attempt of the opposition group overseas to incite mass protests on August 18 to provoke unrest in the country, using the issue of cooperation on the Cambodia-Laos-Vietnam development triangle area (CLV-DTA) to light nationalist sentiment among citizens, failed.

The instigators of the demonstration made it clear that their ultimate goal was to overthrow the government by undermining the economy, stoking class anger, hatred against the rich, government officials and the armed forces, ultranationalism, racial discrimination, all of which are extremist ideologies, which do not differ from the ideology of Pol Pot.

They also did not hide their intention to provoke violence and they have no will to restrict their protesters from violence. They wanted to exacerbate the situation to the like of Bangladesh’s case, which for them amounted to rekindling the hopes of a Colour Revolution that they had always desired.

However, the vicious attempts to destroy the peace of the entire nation for their reckless political ambitions were thwarted as the Royal Government and the armed forces had prevented in a timely manner their ill-will through peaceful means and restrained efforts to explain with the utmost patience, but at the same time they were also well prepared with absolute determination should the situation turns into the worst-case scenario.

Drawing from this event, we can draw some of the following implications:

First, the 17 million Cambodians still resort to peace and tranquility.

Although some people still have questions about the cooperation framework of the CLV-DTA because they love their motherland, they do not agree to the provocation of social unrest that destroys the well-being of the whole nation, that eventually would lead to the loss of tourists and investors whom are much needed for their livelihood as well as the country’s economic development.

They have clearly seen that after the demonstrations that toppled the Bangladeshi government, many investors fled the country because everyone knows that no one is going to invest millions of dollars in a country without security and safety. And no tourist wants to go on an adventure with the sound of bullets and at the risk of their own lives.

Second, the strong unity of the armed forces in defending the national territory, peace and the constitutional government that had emerged from the elections.

In fact, the accusation regarding the loss of four provinces (Ratanakkiri, Mondulkiri, Kratie and Stung Treng) is an insult to the Royal Government, to the people living in those four provinces, but what is most serious is a direct insult to the armed forces who are the border guards. These troops find such accusation unacceptable when they have to patrol the border, day and night, rain and shine, even if they have to be away from their families for the task of defending the motherland.

They are true patriots who dare to sacrifice their lives to protect the territory of Cambodia. For them, it is really painful when they try to explain the truth on the ground, but some people still do not believe them and instead pin their belief on imaginative people who have never stepped foot on the border area.

Third, do not underestimate the supporting force for the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP).

Civil servants, business people and the general public who love and support CPP believe in the leadership capability and unwavering patriotic conscience of the CPP leaders, who always stand in solidarity with the people and dare to sacrifice their lives to protect the national territory. CPP’s supporters are also true patriots and none of the CPP members are willing to lose Cambodian territory.

Members of the CPP are the true patriots who are willing to die for their own motherland. CPP members are always mature and possess great level of patience, even if they are sometimes insulted as “unthinking followers”. This is because they have clearly understood the great conscience of the leaders of the Royal Government and the CPP who are extremely loyal to the motherland, always stay and is willing to die in the motherland and are always willing to stay with the people through good and bad times. They do not respond with anger to the point of destroying Cambodia’s peace, destroying the reputation of the Cambodian people, which foreigners can despise for that the Khmer people is always quarrelling with each other from domestic to overseas.

But the opposition must not underestimate the strength and willpower of the CPP supporters, as the Khmer saying that goes, “kheugn klar krap thar klar sampeah” or literally means “don’t ever look at the lying tiger as a bowing tiger.”

Fourth, never expect that the 2013 events will happen again.

Internal national unity is the strongest deterrent to the Colour Revolution, especially the unity of the armed forces. The armed forces have a duty to protect the legitimate government born out of elections and have a duty to protect the security of the people throughout the entire country.

The Royal Government and the armed forces cannot stand idle when a handful of individuals are willing to divide the nation, cause insecurity, the loss of peace and stability. If a nation is at war, the government and the armed forces are responsible for the lives of the whole 17 million people, so enforcing the law against those who act against the law is a customary practice in strengthening the rule of law for the sake of nationwide peace. No question asked.

The armed forces had already had bitter experiences in 2013, when the concept of Colour Revolution was still unknown in Cambodia. But for now, don’t expect an event like 2013 to happen again.

Fifth, fake news is a poison and a virus that kills society.

When the explanation has been given by those who have been involved in the real works for decades, but people still don’t believe it and place their trust in those influencers who have never worked or never put their foot in the border zone, this means that fake news is actually devastating for society. The vicious influencers have absolutely no professional experience and their accusations were purely imaginative.

This is a great danger for the society.

Fake news can divide a country and cause insecurity. Such danger is also a threat to other countries, such as the United Kingdom, where fake news had provoked racist movement and vandalism. Indeed, the British government has every right to use iron fists to disperse anti-social groups. This is an extremely complex challenge that governments around the world are struggling to tackle.

Therefore, based on the arguments above, the messages that the author considers most important are twofold. First, the events of August 18 show that the Cambodian people chose peace and tranquility and were not deceived by the opposition, which is ready to destroy the entire nation for its political ambitions. Second, don’t expect an attempted Color Revolution to happen again like it did in 2013.

Sim Vireak expressed his own voice as a civil servant and a Cambodian citizen living in Cambodia 

A look at the long-term growth of Cambodia-Japan relations

Khmer Times, Opinion, 2 July 2024 (Link)

Looking back in history, in the 1990s-2000s, for Cambodia and Japan bilateral relations, discussion used to focus on the Official Development Assistance (ODA); we talked a lot about grant, loans; and observers of Cambodia-Japan relations should be familiar with the so-called Consultative Group (CG) Meeting for Cambodia held at the Council for the Development of Cambodia (CDC) to decide how much amount of ODA Cambodia should receive.

Starting from late 2000s, the topics of discussion began to gradually shift to trade, business and investment. In the early 2000s, the amount of bilateral trade was equivalent to the total amount of ODA, including loans, that Cambodia received from Japan. The Agreement for the Liberalisation, Promotion and Protection of Investment was signed in October 2007 between then Cambodian Prime Minister Samdech Techo Hun Sen and the late former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Based on this agreement, the Cambodia-Japan Joint Committee Meeting was established in 2009 to discuss and address concerns raised by Japanese investors in Cambodia.

In the early 2010s, when there were factors pushing for diversification of Japan’s supply chain in East and Southeast Asia, we saw a very small number of daring Japanese companies like Minebea and AEON who were willing to bet on Cambodia while the majority of Japanese companies were looking at some other countries as their frontier markets.

These two companies have built their business bases in Cambodia since early time, and the fact that they have been expanding their businesses speaks loud and clear about the dynamic business opportunities of Cambodia both in terms of production and supply chain as well as consumption market. In short, these two companies have enjoyed considerable first-mover advantages thank to their confidence in Cambodia’s business climate.

The two countries upgraded their ties to Strategic Partnership in 2013.

In 2015, we saw the completion of Neak Loeung Bridge or Tsubasa Bridge; we talked about how we can eliminate the bottleneck of the Southern Economic Corridor for the Greater Mekong Subregion as well as ASEAN. In fact, Tsubasa bridge has a larger significance beyond Cambodia, to the Mekong and ASEAN.

Slowly and gradually, Cambodia has become an important part of the larger Japan’s strategy for the Mekong and ASEAN.

And that is not limited to the discussion about economic and investment strategies or the establishment of Japan’s supply chain in ASEAN but it goes also to the level of political and security spectrum.

More importantly, we have observed that the dialogue has become increasingly two-way, not just Cambodia being passive without any role to play in the bilateral relations that are closely tied with regional political and economic landscape.

We have seen the two countries begin to exchange views on regional and international issues.

Beyond the exchange of views, we also saw how the two countries advanced joint concrete actions for the sake of regional peace, stability and prosperity.

For example, Cambodia and Japan have discussed, through official and unofficial channels, how the region can find solutions to bring Myanmar back to normalcy.

We discussed how we could provide humanitarian assistance to Ukraine through mine clearance.

We discussed how Cambodia and Japan can work together in peacekeeping cooperation.

Looking far back to the 1990s, who would have thought that Japan would choose a partnership with Cambodia to discuss and take joint actions on the issues of Myanmar and Ukraine?

No one expected this to happen, and yet both countries took concrete steps in the interest of regional and global peace. Indeed, these discussions began when Cambodia chaired ASEAN in 2022, but our cooperation on these issues continues until today.

It is therefore fair to say that the above expanded dynamism of bilateral cooperation resulted in the creation of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between the two countries in 2023.

We are now talking more about how our two nations can continue to promote our “peace-branding” regionally and globally.

In the future, as Japanese society ages and Cambodia moves toward an upper-middle-income economy in 2030 and a high-income economy in 2050, future discussions will focus on how Cambodia can contribute to the solution of Japan’s problems and vice versa.

We could one day establish a Cambodia-Japan free trade agreement; or we can set up and facilitate visa-free travel for Cambodian and Japanese tourists.

Among many other areas of cooperation, we are probably thinking more about how we can promote Cambodia’s role within Japan’s production and supply chain in Southeast Asia? How can Cambodia become Japan’s logistics hub in the Mekong region? How can Cambodia and Japan become strong trading partners, bilaterally and multilaterally? How can Cambodian Oknhas purchase Japanese technologies to drive innovation and build a stronger industrial base? How can Cambodia and Japan build regional infrastructure for the digital economy?

The above discussion has shed light on the evolution of relations between Cambodia and Japan over the past 30 years, after Japan reopened her embassy in 1992.

From purely one-sided dialogue relations characterized by grant, donation, and rehabilitation, to two-way economic partners characterized by increased trade, investment, and tourism, and to even two-ways dialogue and up to three-dimensional discussions about the Mekong and ASEAN, and even about peace issues in countries in faraway continents, the horizon for growth is vast for Cambodia-Japan bilateral relations that can contribute to regional and global peace, security and sustainable economic development.

So this is a long journey that we have traveled together, and we have to recognize Japan’s significance role in the early stage of Cambodia’s peacebuilding and the building of Cambodia’s self-confidence in terms of socio-economic development and institutional capacity.

For this we owe our gratitude to Japan.

Cambodia-China Community with a Shared Future from the Security Perspective

Letter to Editor, Freshnews, 19 June 2024 (Link)

Cambodia and China always extend mutual support when it comes to the issues of core interests. For them, this is the real essence of a Cambodia-China Community with a Shared Future.

In a turbulent international environment, Cambodia and China attach great importance to the sanctity of their respective core national interests, independence, sovereignty and self-determination on the path of development.

For instance, The Chinese side always firmly supports the Cambodian people's choice of a development path suited to Cambodia's national conditions, Cambodia's efforts to safeguard its independence, sovereignty, security and development interests, and the steady advancement of Cambodia's important national political agenda, while expressing its firm opposition to any foreign interference in the internal affairs of Cambodia.

The Cambodian side always firmly adheres to the One-China policy. Cambodia regards the government of the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate government representing the whole of China, opposes any attempt to interfere in China's internal affairs by supporting separatist activities, and resolutely supports all China's efforts to achieve national reunification.

Mutual assistance in protecting core national interests, independence, sovereignty and self-determination can be regarded as the overriding principle of Cambodia-China relations. Based on this primordial principle, the two countries are developing multifaceted security cooperation.

Although there are many types of securities, such as economic securities, etc., this article will look at two aspects of bilateral cooperation, namely military-to-military cooperation and Covid-19 cooperation. Next, it will address security cooperation at the regional and global levels.

Military Cooperation

For Cambodia, bilateral military cooperation with China is one of the most dynamic and comprehensive relations that Cambodia has. It defines the robustness of Cambodia-China security cooperation.

China was the only country with which Cambodia conducted military exercises during and immediately after the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic. Since 2016, Cambodia and China have held the Golden Dragon military exercise five times. In 2020, at the height of the Covid-19 epidemic, Cambodia was the first and only foreign country with which China conducted a military exercise. The joint naval exercise before the official start of the Golden Dragon-2023 joint drills marked a high level of comprehensive military exchange and cooperation between China and Cambodia.

Indeed, military cooperation between Cambodia and China goes beyond frequent military exercises. China's supplies of military equipment, training and scholarships to Cambodia often make headlines regarding the breadth and depth of security cooperation between Cambodia and China.

Of note, on 8 June 2022 Cambodia broke ground on the construction of upgrades to the country’s naval capacity through the modernisation of Ream Naval Base. The groundbreaking ceremony kicked off the construction project to rehabilitate the dry dock, pier and slipway along with the construction of a vessel maintenance workshop. The port at Ream Naval Base is currently too shallow at just 7m in depth, but after its rehabilitation it will be able to dock medium-sized vessels.

Despite various accusations about a possible presence of Chinese troops on Cambodian soil, Cambodia has made it known that its Constitution does not authorize foreign military bases or a foreign military presence on Cambodian soil. Cambodia also explained the need to renovate the base, which only serves to strengthen the country's naval capabilities so that Cambodia can protect its maritime integrity and combat crime on the high seas.

Covid-19 Cooperation

Time to accept Cambodia as it is

Khmer Times, Opinion, 23 January 2023 (Link)

In his memoir, Lee Kuan Yew remarked that Cambodia’s “present leaders,” meaning Hun Sen, “are the product of bitter, relentless struggles in which opponents were either eliminated or neutralized. They are utterly merciless and ruthless, without humane feelings.”

This is the general view of foreign observers over Cambodian leaders. But was it a correct view about Cambodia and Cambodian leaders?

Back then, Singapore was not alone in despising Cambodian leaders whom they treated as Vietnam’s puppet. Many countries put sanction on Cambodia and the remaining few million Cambodian survivors. Many countries provided legitimacy and weapons to, and conducted trade with the Khmer Rouge. The anti-Vietnam and anti-communism sentiment had justified those countries’ being as Khmer Rouge sympathizers.

For now, we have the benefit of re-evaluating history in hindsight.

For now, we could understand that being a Khmer Rouge sympathizer was a mistake against the surviving Cambodian people.

This was the past mistake of foreign observers, and they should learn from that mistake by trying to understand what Cambodian leaders think. They have to remove their own stubborn and rigid ideological and geopolitical frames if they want to understand better about Cambodian leaders.

Was Hun Sen really  Vietnam’s puppet? Was Hun Sen a communist dictator?

By reviewing Prime Minister Hun Sen’s five-hour testimony in the National Assembly on the border issues between Cambodia and Vietnam on 9 August 2012, and his 64-page written statement dated 8 September 2015, one would have wondered why would Vietnam spend more than 40 years to negotiate border issues with its puppet?

If one can read Prime Minister Hun Sen’s book entitled, “10 Years of Cambodia’s March: 1979-1989”, one can re-evaluate what was the situation and challenges that Cambodian leaders were facing, and evaluate their leadership’s approaches and perspectives.

From the book, one can observe that Hun Sen is not an ideologue. He is a pragmatist that cares the most for the nation’s survival and people’s livelihood. He adopted market economy and partial privatization well before Vietnam did. He initiated peace negotiation with the then-Prince Norodom Sihanouk despite internal opposition within his party. He invited the United Nations to broker Cambodian peace and to station in Cambodia despite the fear of losing sovereignty and foreign domination. He was not a dictator as he was trying to mobilize consensus and support from within his party since the beginning. His approach is still the same. He never made a decision in silo, with a complete lack of information or consultation.

All of these historical decisions defined the quality and capability of Cambodian leaders, and those surrounding them.

How to better understand Cambodia

Khmer Times, Opinion, 25 January 2023 (Link)

There are two ways to better understand a country and its people.

One way is to give up all prejudice and try to approach local people with naked eyes.

Another is to seek to understand the original thoughts, cultures and identities of local people.

Now let us discuss about the first way, the importance of seeing local people with naked eyes without predetermined frames of prejudice.

The approach towards Cambodia and Cambodian people should be in a learning attitude, trying to understand without prejudice and predetermined judgment.

For example, for Cambodian people, when asked what they think about Japanese, they often can accept Japanese as they are, not as the imperialist invaders based on historical and cultural prejudice even if Cambodian people like to watch Khmer-dubbed Chinese movies, Korean movies and American movies that portray Japanese as devil imperialists.

They just accept Japanese people as Japanese, as friends, as guests, as pure human being without any prejudgment.

Cambodian people know that there are also some rude and arrogant American, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean. But they still approach those foreigners without discrimination.

Cambodian people rarely view Westerners in the historical frames, such as the past colonists, the past bombers over our grandparents, the past “sanctioners” over our parents, or as the past Khmer Rouge sympathizers.

Generally, we don’t have vengeful feeling against foreigners.

Such kind of approach by Cambodian people should be reciprocated by foreigners.

Now let us discuss about the second way, the importance of digging deeper by getting to know the original thoughts and ways of life of local people.

Cambodian post-war memory and the generation gap

Opinion, Khmer Times, 24 January 2019 (Link)

Reactions to the Khmer movie related to genocide, or more precisely “self-genocide”, were mixed. There were those who didn’t want to see the movie for fear of rekindling past wounds and trauma-related stress. They didn’t want to experience pain and weep for days.

There were some who fear that history would repeat itself and the same atrocities would happen again. On the other extreme, there were those who were indifferent and emotionless. Frankly, they would not have given a damn. Also in this category, were those who rejected the film saying the genocide was a mere figmentation of the moviemaker.

. .

Nonetheless, such differences stem from individual experiences and exposures.

As someone from the post-genocide generation, I belong to the group that fears the repeat of history.

Born in the 1980s, in the immediate aftermath of the war, it was the prevailing environment that shaped my thoughts. My father was a soldier, who went to the frontline to fight against the Khmer Rouge. At school, a ‘fatherless son’ was a common target for the bullies.

A study tour to Toul Sleng prison is a one-time memory that stays on forever. Some parts of the walls are still stained with dried blood. The smell and ambiance from building-to-building makes one feel that the spirits are demanding your attention. I never did dare climb up to the third floor. The current museum, however, is quite clean and is what a museum should be.

Every year on January 7, I remember three major films which are often highlighted on TV – ‘Killing Fields’, ‘Nine Circles of Hell’ and ‘Memory of the Heart’ (chet chong cham).

. .

I recall the days of my childhood. Phnom Penh was dark and quiet after the evening curfew. Kids dominated the whole street playing and chasing each other after nightfall. The then Soviet Union’s ‘Rabbit and Fox’ on TV was the kids’ favourite, similar to that of ‘Tom and Jerry’. TV broadcast was only in the evenings and the cartoon was shown regularly.

At night, I always heard melancholy music from the radio, appealing the Khmer Rouge to integrate into society. News was always about siege of particular battle fields. Sometimes, I heard the government forces won; sometimes, I heard the government was fighting to regain the same area they had earlier captured.

The sound of gunfire was a usual part of life. It was normal for people to point their weapons in the sky and shoot whenever there was lightning and rain.

Our school curriculum was dominated by Marxist-Lenin ideologies, fights against imperialism, capitalism and the Khmer Rouge.

At Bak Touk elementary school, the once and only Soviet hot milk I received tasted like heaven. We lived with Soviet and Vietnam-provided food supply. Rice was limited, meat was scarce. We always checked the amount of food first before we ate – worried that if we ate too much, there wouldn’t be enough for tomorrow. Malnutrition and malnourishment was clearly reflected in the physical development of our generation. 

Hun Sen: Peace in his own words

Khmer Times, Opinion, 1 February 2022, (Link)

 A man that is known far too much for his harsh words but very less on his dedication to peace. His harshness is otherwise a reflection of his unyielding dedication to peace that he did not enjoy during his youth. It was the lost three decades for Cambodian nation as a whole, not just for himself.

He has lived in a country that had never known a united rule and government, more often than not a country that was marred with civil strife with a very few occasion of known uninterrupted peace for less than ten or twenty years.

“Cham Srok San Tran”, or “to wait for a peaceful homeland” was the word that Cambodian seniors like to say so much but most of them already lost their lives before they saw this unachievable dream of Cambodian people realised.

“A small country like Cambodia which  was broken into more than two ruling factions was a bitter experience. We had from the French colonial era many Cambodian factions colouring themselves blue, red, pink, white, etc. In between 1970 to 1975, Cambodia was under two factions and there was genocide between 1975 and 1979. From 1979 to 1993, Cambodia was under four ruling factions and again under two factions between 1993 and 1998.” (27 December 2006)

“As we now have peace that enables in infrastructural developments, we should not let it slip off our hands. Take for instance, these areas along the mountains of Kravanh and Aoral, previous administrations – including those of the French, the Japanese and then the French again – had so much difficulties to impose their administrative control upon. This area was also former Khmer Rouge commanding headquarters where former Khmer Rouge leaders like Khieu Samphan, Nuon Chea hid themselves. If you read the personal history of Khieu Samphan, you will learn that he fled to the forest that links Kompong Speu, Pursath and Koh Kong altogether….That is why I always remind everyone that in the Cambodian history, it was rare that Cambodia was one united country under one rule, one King, one Constitution, Royal Government and army. It has been one of the most difficult tasks to formulate and put into realistic practice of the win-win policy. Though we now have more than one political parties, we have only one King, Constitution, National Assembly, Royal Government, army and one united country.” (28 January 2013)

Peace is like oxygen that we tend to take for granted. You never know that it is important unless you fall in the situation that requires assistance from oxygen machine.

But that can be too late already. And we have seen a lot of countries in the world that are choked with bloodshed because their political parties are breathing the air of antagonism, mutual elimination and power struggles, at the expense national peace.

For Hun Sen, war cannot end war.

Three pathways to war between the US and China

Opinion, Asia Times, 15 June 2020 (Link) 

Conflict involving trade, currency or technology is the hotly debated battleground between the global giants

According to the theory of international relations, the world is constantly in a state of anarchy and countries always seek a balance of power to maintain their own security.

With China’s rise, the US and its allies fear losing the equilibrium that supports American domination of the global order. Considering China a “revisionist state,” they have raised concerns about Beijing’s unchecked attempt to change the status quo, to pursue military expansionism and follow a path toward hegemony.

From geo-strategic flashpoints in the South China Sea to Taiwan, to trade wars and technological wars, the likelihood of confrontations seems inevitable.

That raises a simple question. Will war between the US and China result from the current tension? If so, what form of war will that be?

If history is any indication, three speculations can be made for war between the US and China: World War III, Cold War 2.0, and regional proxy wars.

World War III would be the most extreme. When China is considered a security threat and that seeks hegemony through military expansionism, should one consider it as equivalent to Germany and Japan during the two World Wars?

Has China invaded and occupied any countries? Has China pursued imperialist colonialism? Has it committed a mass atrocity, or is it a terrorist state?

Similarly, if war is to happen between the two superpowers, then what might trigger the United States’ involvement? Events like the attack on Pearl Harbor?

The second form of war is Cold War 2.0, which is being hotly debated as the closest to the current realities. But this time it is not about ideologies, space war or nuclear brinkmanship. It is more about a trade war, currency war, technological war, cyber war or even hybrid war that combines elements of some or all of these.

Competition for the domination of multilateral frameworks is one of the possible fronts of Cold War 2.0, which has gradually divided nations along this polarity if it truly exists – for instance, the competition between the Belt and Road Initiative and the Indo-Pacific Strategy.

But if Cold War 2.0 does exist, it would be a limited version of Cold War 1.0 with fewer fronts and features owing to China’s reluctance to take global leadership on every front as the former Soviet Union tried to do vis-à-vis the US.

Using the word “competition” on multilateral frameworks is not totally right either, because while China is increasing its contribution to multilateral system, the share is still low compared with the US.

It would not constitute a competition either if the US is withdrawing from every multilateral system that it helped built after the World War II. Modern China in fact has benefited from the system created by the domination of the US, and it has yet to create any global governance system, either politically or economically.

China has not tried or at least has not been seen as attempting to impose or spread its own system. Thus far, no country has proclaimed that it is adopting China’s governance system.

The next possible type of war is a regional proxy war in the Asia-Pacific, which is the main platform of competition between the US and China. Like in Cold War 1.0, the US-China rivalry could result in “hot wars” between peripheral states. Regional flashpoints such as the South China Sea and Taiwan could ignite such hot wars.

For the Mekong region, the likelihood of Vietnam War 2.0 cannot be ruled out while China and Vietnam keep confronting each other in the South China Sea.

Cambodia used to be a sideshow of Vietnam War 1.0. When Cambodia helped Vietnam by allowing it to use the so-called Sihanouk Trail in its territory to provide covert logistic support, the US bombed Cambodia with an estimated more than 2 million metric tons of bombs, leaving a minimum of 100,000 Cambodian civilian casualties and 2 million homeless.

The bombing was said to be one of the major triggers of the consolidation of the Khmer Rouge’s power and the genocide that followed. While other parts of Southeast Asia remained peaceful, half of the Mekong region experienced prolonged bloodshed during the Cold War until the late 1990s when the civil war finally came to an end in Cambodia in 1998.

It is true that China and the US do not want to confront each other in any direct war. As for China and Vietnam, even if they constantly confront each other in the South China Sea, they do not want direct war either owing to the strong ties between the two Communist parties and enormous trade relations.

However, one cannot ignore the fact that these two countries did experience multiple wars between each other after World War II, including a brief and bloody battle in 1974 over the Paracel Islands. Even if the US and China themselves do not want direct war, proxy wars could re-emerge, and small states would pay the price, as was the case during the Vietnam War.

These are the three speculations of possible types of wars between China and the US. Onlookers like Cambodia and other peripheral states can divide themselves in the new polarity at their own risk. Like in the previous Cold War, silence and neutrality would not be an option.

Few policy options would be left for small states. Like it or not, these few options often present risks to their sovereignty and independence. Countries can stay safe and secure only if they can learn from history, which can be horrifying, cruel and bloody, at least in the case of Cambodia, because Cold Wars are only cold for the superpowers.

America needs more leaders like Kennedy

Opinion, Khmer Times, 26 June 2023 (Link) 

As the current global geopolitics evolves into a darker and tensed moment, we are trying to seek the spirit of hope, the hope for peace, especially from the leadership of the US, the most powerful state on Earth.

We think of the late President John F. Kennedy. We think of his spirit of peace.

We remember his peace speech delivered on 10 June 1963 after the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962 which was a direct and dangerous confrontation between the US and the Soviet Union during the Cold War and was the moment when the two superpowers came closest to nuclear conflict.

But the nuclear war was evaded. Kennedy knew so well the power of nuclear, total destruction “in the first 24 hours”.

Peace for all men and women, peace for all time, was what Kennedy called for. A peace that addresses security concern not only of the Americans but also other people in the world.

“What kind of peace do I mean? What kind of peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave.

“I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, the kind that enables men and nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their children–not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women–not merely peace in our time but peace for all time.”

We need this kind of spirit from American politicians to help put a brake on wars and tensions that the US has been playing a part for reasons that it considers as national security concerns, protection of human rights and democracy, and protection of its status as the strongest superpower in the world.

When the US condemns Russia for invading Ukraine, and China for its assertiveness, we can understand the role the US intends to play: that is to put a check on abuse of power by powerful states.

But then who is in the position to put a check on the conduct of the US?

Many believe that the war in Ukraine is becoming a de facto proxy war between the US and Russia. Many analysts, including the CATO Institute in Washington DC, believe that the US was also part of the blame in igniting the war through repeating abuses against Russia’s security concerns.