Thursday, June 11, 2026

How to better understand Cambodia



Khmer Times, Opinion, 25 January 2023 (Link)

There are two ways to better understand a country and its people.

One way is to give up all prejudice and try to approach local people with naked eyes.

Another is to seek to understand the original thoughts, cultures and identities of local people.

Now let us discuss about the first way, the importance of seeing local people with naked eyes without predetermined frames of prejudice.

The approach towards Cambodia and Cambodian people should be in a learning attitude, trying to understand without prejudice and predetermined judgment.

For example, for Cambodian people, when asked what they think about Japanese, they often can accept Japanese as they are, not as the imperialist invaders based on historical and cultural prejudice even if Cambodian people like to watch Khmer-dubbed Chinese movies, Korean movies and American movies that portray Japanese as devil imperialists.

They just accept Japanese people as Japanese, as friends, as guests, as pure human being without any prejudgment.

Cambodian people know that there are also some rude and arrogant American, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean. But they still approach those foreigners without discrimination.

Cambodian people rarely view Westerners in the historical frames, such as the past colonists, the past bombers over our grandparents, the past “sanctioners” over our parents, or as the past Khmer Rouge sympathizers.

Generally, we don’t have vengeful feeling against foreigners.

Such kind of approach by Cambodian people should be reciprocated by foreigners.

Now let us discuss about the second way, the importance of digging deeper by getting to know the original thoughts and ways of life of local people.

Friday, January 23, 2026

Cambodia-Thailand: The choice between building an iron curtain or a lasting, legal border



Khmer Times, Opinion, 23 January 2026 (Link)

The deadly border wars between Cambodia and Thailand in 2025 beg a serious question: Would the permanent neighbours prefer to build an iron curtain or a legal border between them?

There are several border models that Cambodia and Thailand should contemplate, considering they are eternal neighbours who cannot move away from each other unless one of them is wiped off the world map.

First, there is the iron curtain which was manifested in a few models during the Cold War.

For instance, there was the wall that divided Eastern and Western Germany, the heavily fortified Berlin Wall that stood for 28 years from 1961 to 1989.

And then there was the iron curtain in Hungary that was described in detail in a documentary entitled 1989 – The fall of the Soviet Union, produced by Anders Ostergaard and Erzsebet Racz.

In the documentary, the Hungarian reformist communist Prime Minister Miklos Nemeth (1988-1990) played a crucial role in dismantling the Hungarian Iron Curtain by opening the border with Austria in 1989.

He described how he had uncovered secret financial mismanagement by the communist state in the construction and maintenance of the electric border fence, which was constantly triggered by intruders, including wild rabbits, and thus constantly woke the border guards, depriving them of sleep.

Unnecessary spending, particularly on the construction of a superfluous border fence, had left Hungary bankrupt and heavily indebted.

Other models Cambodia and Thailand might want to emulate are the old Franco-German border model or the new Franco-German border.

Wednesday, December 31, 2025

ASEAN leaders’ silence on Cambodia-Thailand conflict chilling

Khmer Times, Opinion, 31 December 2025 (Link)

It is a struggle to reconcile Cambodia’s efforts to promote peace in the region and the strange silence of ASEAN leaders in the face of the loss of regional peace.

Under Cambodia’s ASEAN chairmanship in 2022, I vividly recall how Mr Hun Sen travelled to Naypyidaw in January 2022, braving criticism from some ASEAN member states, even risking his own safety and that of his entourage, when Myanmar was on the brink of civil war, and a curfew had been imposed.

His intentions were to try to prevent peace from breaking and ensure that the Myanmar people would not face the same tragedy as Cambodia did from the 1970s to the end of the 1990s.

Before that, Mr Hun Sen and the other ASEAN leaders had attended the ASEAN Special Summit in Jakarta in April 2021, when the whole region was struggling to contain COVID-19. While abiding by a strict health and security protocol, every ASEAN leader risked their own health to try to uphold peace in Myanmar in flying to Jakarta when travel was restricted and quarantine was enforced.

In May, even after leaving his government post, Mr Hun Sen, now Senate President, travelled to Indonesia to promote peace and share Cambodia’s experience in peacebuilding at the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta. He was warmly received by Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto, who rendered him a treatment befitting a head of state.

Friday, November 14, 2025

Free trade zones to drive industrial innovation and trade growth in Cambodia



Khmer Times, Opinion, 14 November 2025 (Link)

Around the world, supply chains are being reshaped by new technologies, shifting cost structures, diversification of supply chain and evolving trade frameworks and tension, which have accelerated relocation from traditional manufacturing hubs.

For many countries, this moment presents both a challenge and a clear opportunity to connect more deeply with regional value chains.

Cambodia is still in the conceptualisation stage of the free trade zone (FTZ), the development of which has gone through rigorous multistakeholder consultations, and of course international cooperation from partners such as the government of China and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO).

There should be three contexts to consider when discussing about Cambodia’s development of FTZ.

First, FTZ’s development is part and parcel of Cambodia’s coastal development master plan.

The plan runs from 2025 to 2040, covering four provinces with a total area of nearly 18,000 square kilometers. It consists of 141 sub-projects with a total estimated investment of $ 15–20 billion.

By embedding FTZ development within this broader plan, Cambodia aims to ensure that industrial growth is not a standalone project, but part of a durable, well-sequenced national strategy.

Second, factory relocation.

Thursday, September 25, 2025

Economisation of foreign embassies in Cambodia



Khmer Times, Opinion, 25 September 2025 (Link)

There are two major trends that have spurred the economisation of foreign embassies in Cambodia. One is Cambodia’s planned graduation from Least Developed Country (LDC) status in 2029, and the other is Cambodia’s boycott of Thailand-made products.

Cambodia is scheduled to effectively graduate from LDC status in 2029 and partner countries are supporting Cambodia in the process to ensure smooth transition through market enlargement, trade facilitation and enhancement of production capacity, among others.

It is encouraging to note that the evolution of the partnership, once primarily focused on politics and aid, towards a multifaceted cooperation that includes more exchanges in terms of trade and economic activities has gained positive momentum.

Key partner countries have begun to create a trade, investment and economic portfolio within their embassy staff rosters, and those that already have this portfolio are finding themselves adding more economic staff to the team to meet the growing need for specialisation and dedicated resources.

There are multiple examples to look at.

For instance, the British Embassy is very proud that the British architectural firm Foster and Partners participated in the design of Techo International Airport, a modern and breathtaking airport, at least from the perspective of the Cambodian people, thus inscribing the name of the Cambodian airport on the list of world-class airports. A Cambodian delegation recently visited the United Kingdom to learn about the process of joining the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP).

Wednesday, August 13, 2025

Imagining peace and healing between eternal neighbors, Cambodia and Thailand



Khmer Times, Opinion, 13 August 2025 (Link)

Every peace-loving Cambodian and Thai wake up to read news that could hurt our inner souls and blur our human compassion; news that continues to create hatred, anger, and resentment that eventually dominate our hearts and leave us with deep wounds, to the point that we wonder if our human hearts will ever heal anytime soon.

There are two key sets of questions related to peace and healing.

We constantly wonder when peace can reign and be assured between the two eternal neighbors? Will it be tomorrow? Next week, next month, or next year?

What remedies should heal the wounds of our hearts?

This is a mental exercise that peace-loving Cambodians and Thais practice unconsciously, trying to connect with their innermost souls.

Among many thoughts, here are four elements of thought that may cross their minds as they seek to guide their minds toward peace and healing.

1. Think about families

Cambodia has seven provinces bordering Thailand: Koh Kong, Pursat, Battambang, Pailin, Banteay Meanchey, Oddar Meanchey, and Preah Vihear, stretching over 800 kilometers.

With such a long border, it is inevitable that the two people share many things including “blood”. There are Khmers who are married to Thais and vice-versa. There are “mixed-blood” children who cannot separate or cut their flesh from purely Khmer or Thai.

These are silent groups who want nothing more than peace because if anything happens, they know they will have to kill some of their brothers and sisters, relatives or distant relatives who have mixed blood.

2. Think about friends

Wednesday, June 25, 2025

Thailand’s Threat Game–Self-Destructive Maneuvers Based on Outdated Information



Khmer Times, Opinion, 25 June 2025 (Link)

Following a brief border skirmish between Cambodia and Thailand that led to the killing of a Cambodian soldier on May 28, 2025, tensions have been escalated in other areas especially restrictions of border crossings and transnational economic activities.

The tit-for-tat restrictive measures are textbook examples of how interdependence has been exploited for national security at the expense of bourgeoning trade relations that benefit both sides.

Interdependence used to be the cornerstone of peacebuilding, and confidence-building.

A unilateral series of border measures was ordered by Bangkok on June 6, ranging from closures and arbitrary hours at major border crossings like Poipet, which have interrupted flows of goods and people from both sides.

In response, on June 13, the Cambodian government shut down the Doung border crossing in Battambang province that has led to significant congestion, with many trucks loaded with Thai produce stranded at the border.

On June 17, Cambodia banned all imports of Thai fruit and vegetables in response to Thailand’s refusal to fully open all border checkpoints.

On June 21, Military Region 2 of the Thai army informed about its unilateral decision to close Choub Korki border checkpoint at Oddar Meanchey province. In response, Cambodia also decided to close another checkpoint at Choam, together with Choub Korki checkpoint.

Thursday, June 12, 2025

Using international law to create peaceful borders between eternal neighbours



Khmer Times, Opinion, 12 June 2025 (Link)

Tensions on the Cambodian-Thai border have created a toxic atmosphere of ultra-nationalism. With assistance from Google Translate, it’s possible to understand how extremists on both sides express themselves about their neighbors on social media, using Khmer and Thai to mask international censorship of hate speech.

One group demanded that the other country be wiped off the world map.

The language of hatred and rejection of another nation, as well as the promotion of revision of history or the revival of past imperial glory, dominate their discussions.

Some asked “what if” questions, such as “if France weren’t there.”

Both sides display a condescending attitude, arguing over who is more superior, more civilised, who has more, and who loses more.

Some have accused Cambodia of playing on victim narratives. But who can escape such memories when, throughout its 500-year history, Cambodians have heard nothing but defeats, wars, invasions, and occupations?

This has been Cambodia’s position in world history. Cambodia must live with it.

Cambodia has lost more than its history can record: 500 years of chaos, internal disunity, and wars driven by contested borders, survival, and existence.

For Cambodians, remembering history means describing the vastness of the Khmer Empire, which flourished from the 9th to the 15th centuries, representing the highest level of civilisation in continental Southeast Asia, and the period of decline that followed.

These two contradictory periods have shaped the pride and complexion of Cambodian people.

Tuesday, July 2, 2024

A look at the long-term growth of Cambodia-Japan relations



Khmer Times, Opinion, 2 July 2024 (Link)

Looking back in history, in the 1990s-2000s, for Cambodia and Japan bilateral relations, discussion used to focus on the Official Development Assistance (ODA); we talked a lot about grant, loans; and observers of Cambodia-Japan relations should be familiar with the so-called Consultative Group (CG) Meeting for Cambodia held at the Council for the Development of Cambodia (CDC) to decide how much amount of ODA Cambodia should receive.

Starting from late 2000s, the topics of discussion began to gradually shift to trade, business and investment. In the early 2000s, the amount of bilateral trade was equivalent to the total amount of ODA, including loans, that Cambodia received from Japan. The Agreement for the Liberalisation, Promotion and Protection of Investment was signed in October 2007 between then Cambodian Prime Minister Samdech Techo Hun Sen and the late former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Based on this agreement, the Cambodia-Japan Joint Committee Meeting was established in 2009 to discuss and address concerns raised by Japanese investors in Cambodia.

In the early 2010s, when there were factors pushing for diversification of Japan’s supply chain in East and Southeast Asia, we saw a very small number of daring Japanese companies like Minebea and AEON who were willing to bet on Cambodia while the majority of Japanese companies were looking at some other countries as their frontier markets.

These two companies have built their business bases in Cambodia since early time, and the fact that they have been expanding their businesses speaks loud and clear about the dynamic business opportunities of Cambodia both in terms of production and supply chain as well as consumption market. In short, these two companies have enjoyed considerable first-mover advantages thank to their confidence in Cambodia’s business climate.

The two countries upgraded their ties to Strategic Partnership in 2013.

In 2015, we saw the completion of Neak Loeung Bridge or Tsubasa Bridge; we talked about how we can eliminate the bottleneck of the Southern Economic Corridor for the Greater Mekong Subregion as well as ASEAN. In fact, Tsubasa bridge has a larger significance beyond Cambodia, to the Mekong and ASEAN.

Slowly and gradually, Cambodia has become an important part of the larger Japan’s strategy for the Mekong and ASEAN.

And that is not limited to the discussion about economic and investment strategies or the establishment of Japan’s supply chain in ASEAN but it goes also to the level of political and security spectrum.

More importantly, we have observed that the dialogue has become increasingly two-way, not just Cambodia being passive without any role to play in the bilateral relations that are closely tied with regional political and economic landscape.

We have seen the two countries begin to exchange views on regional and international issues.

Beyond the exchange of views, we also saw how the two countries advanced joint concrete actions for the sake of regional peace, stability and prosperity.

For example, Cambodia and Japan have discussed, through official and unofficial channels, how the region can find solutions to bring Myanmar back to normalcy.

We discussed how we could provide humanitarian assistance to Ukraine through mine clearance.

We discussed how Cambodia and Japan can work together in peacekeeping cooperation.

Looking far back to the 1990s, who would have thought that Japan would choose a partnership with Cambodia to discuss and take joint actions on the issues of Myanmar and Ukraine?

No one expected this to happen, and yet both countries took concrete steps in the interest of regional and global peace. Indeed, these discussions began when Cambodia chaired ASEAN in 2022, but our cooperation on these issues continues until today.

It is therefore fair to say that the above expanded dynamism of bilateral cooperation resulted in the creation of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between the two countries in 2023.

We are now talking more about how our two nations can continue to promote our “peace-branding” regionally and globally.

In the future, as Japanese society ages and Cambodia moves toward an upper-middle-income economy in 2030 and a high-income economy in 2050, future discussions will focus on how Cambodia can contribute to the solution of Japan’s problems and vice versa.

We could one day establish a Cambodia-Japan free trade agreement; or we can set up and facilitate visa-free travel for Cambodian and Japanese tourists.

Among many other areas of cooperation, we are probably thinking more about how we can promote Cambodia’s role within Japan’s production and supply chain in Southeast Asia? How can Cambodia become Japan’s logistics hub in the Mekong region? How can Cambodia and Japan become strong trading partners, bilaterally and multilaterally? How can Cambodian Oknhas purchase Japanese technologies to drive innovation and build a stronger industrial base? How can Cambodia and Japan build regional infrastructure for the digital economy?

The above discussion has shed light on the evolution of relations between Cambodia and Japan over the past 30 years, after Japan reopened her embassy in 1992.

From purely one-sided dialogue relations characterized by grant, donation, and rehabilitation, to two-way economic partners characterized by increased trade, investment, and tourism, and to even two-ways dialogue and up to three-dimensional discussions about the Mekong and ASEAN, and even about peace issues in countries in faraway continents, the horizon for growth is vast for Cambodia-Japan bilateral relations that can contribute to regional and global peace, security and sustainable economic development.

So this is a long journey that we have traveled together, and we have to recognize Japan’s significance role in the early stage of Cambodia’s peacebuilding and the building of Cambodia’s self-confidence in terms of socio-economic development and institutional capacity.

For this we owe our gratitude to Japan.

Wednesday, June 19, 2024

Cambodia-China Community with a Shared Future from the Security Perspective



Letter to Editor, Freshnews, 19 June 2024 (Link)


Cambodia and China always extend mutual support when it comes to the issues of core interests. For them, this is the real essence of a Cambodia-China Community with a Shared Future.

In a turbulent international environment, Cambodia and China attach great importance to the sanctity of their respective core national interests, independence, sovereignty and self-determination on the path of development.

For instance, The Chinese side always firmly supports the Cambodian people's choice of a development path suited to Cambodia's national conditions, Cambodia's efforts to safeguard its independence, sovereignty, security and development interests, and the steady advancement of Cambodia's important national political agenda, while expressing its firm opposition to any foreign interference in the internal affairs of Cambodia.

The Cambodian side always firmly adheres to the One-China policy. Cambodia regards the government of the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate government representing the whole of China, opposes any attempt to interfere in China's internal affairs by supporting separatist activities, and resolutely supports all China's efforts to achieve national reunification.

Mutual assistance in protecting core national interests, independence, sovereignty and self-determination can be regarded as the overriding principle of Cambodia-China relations. Based on this primordial principle, the two countries are developing multifaceted security cooperation.

Although there are many types of securities, such as economic securities, etc., this article will look at two aspects of bilateral cooperation, namely military-to-military cooperation and Covid-19 cooperation. Next, it will address security cooperation at the regional and global levels.

Military Cooperation

For Cambodia, bilateral military cooperation with China is one of the most dynamic and comprehensive relations that Cambodia has. It defines the robustness of Cambodia-China security cooperation.

China was the only country with which Cambodia conducted military exercises during and immediately after the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic. Since 2016, Cambodia and China have held the Golden Dragon military exercise five times. In 2020, at the height of the Covid-19 epidemic, Cambodia was the first and only foreign country with which China conducted a military exercise. The joint naval exercise before the official start of the Golden Dragon-2023 joint drills marked a high level of comprehensive military exchange and cooperation between China and Cambodia.

Indeed, military cooperation between Cambodia and China goes beyond frequent military exercises. China's supplies of military equipment, training and scholarships to Cambodia often make headlines regarding the breadth and depth of security cooperation between Cambodia and China.

Of note, on 8 June 2022 Cambodia broke ground on the construction of upgrades to the country’s naval capacity through the modernisation of Ream Naval Base. The groundbreaking ceremony kicked off the construction project to rehabilitate the dry dock, pier and slipway along with the construction of a vessel maintenance workshop. The port at Ream Naval Base is currently too shallow at just 7m in depth, but after its rehabilitation it will be able to dock medium-sized vessels.

Despite various accusations about a possible presence of Chinese troops on Cambodian soil, Cambodia has made it known that its Constitution does not authorize foreign military bases or a foreign military presence on Cambodian soil. Cambodia also explained the need to renovate the base, which only serves to strengthen the country's naval capabilities so that Cambodia can protect its maritime integrity and combat crime on the high seas.

Covid-19 Cooperation