Opinion, Asia Times, 5 July 2023 (Link)
Despite criticism, there are reasons to believe that the July 23 election will be legitimate
On July 23, Cambodia will witness another historical milestone, the seventh quinquennial national election.
This election further reflects the peaceful democratization in Cambodia
based on the rule of law.
Cambodia is a rare example among post-conflict nations in three aspects.
First, it is among the few post-conflict countries that did not fall back
into civil war.
From a historical perspective, peace is the most important prerequisite
for Cambodia as it continues to develop into one of the most successful
post-conflict nations. Many nations, such as Afghanistan, Congo, Haiti, Lebanon, Somalia, Sierra Leone, and Sudan, that received United Nations peacekeepers in the 1990s are still
in conflict.
In contrast, since the UN-brokered election in 1993, Cambodia has been
generally peaceful without large-scale conflict.
After the integration of the remaining Khmer Rouge forces in late 1998
through the “win-win” policy of Prime Minister Hun Sen, Cambodia united
its national army for the first time. That was key to eliminating a structure
of violence that had existed in Cambodian politics for a long time.
For instance, until late 1998, Cambodian political parties still
controlled different factions of the army, and therefore the system provided
room for violence when different parties could not reconcile their differences.
The clash in July 1997 was the prime example
of armed struggle between troops that were loyal to the Cambodian People’s
Party (CPP) and the FUNCINPEC party.
Therefore, for a country like Cambodia, achieving unity of the national
army cannot be underrated in terms of its contribution to peace.
It is important to note that all previous Cambodian governments had never
been able to control the whole national army, and to occupy the whole sovereign
territory without guerrilla forces or autonomous regions.
Constitution supports democracy
Second, Cambodia’s democratization is peaceful and irreversible.
According to Article 153 of the constitution, revisions or amendments
affecting the system of liberal and pluralistic democracy and the regime of the
constitutional monarchy are prohibited.
Despite criticism, Cambodia
continues to organize regular elections without fail, and it does not appear
that it will stop holding elections and adopt a different form of government.
One should not make haste to demand a complete democratization in a few
decades of a postwar country like Cambodia. It takes time for the whole social
system to adapt. It takes time for people to understand how to distinguish
between the rights and the duties of citizens.
Some people only demand their rights, but they don’t really understand
their civilian duties to respect the law. For political parties that have
experienced only armed struggles and mutual elimination, it takes time to
ensure that the culture of dialogue can take root.
Freedom of expression and political freedom should not be promoted to the
level that democracy becomes an excuse for extremism and populism.
Cambodia pursues democracy that is adaptable to the Cambodian historical
context, cultural identity, and Buddhism, which strongly respects peaceful
co-existence and tolerance. Even if Buddhism is the state religion, Cambodia’s
religious harmony stands out in the region and the world. Christianity and Islam can be practiced freely in Cambodia without discrimination, and
there are no religious riots.
The elimination of foreign intervention in domestic politics and the
democratization process is also a key trait of Cambodian politics. Cambodia has
been firm in pursuing a peaceful democratization based on its own sovereign
choice while strongly rejecting foreign intervention and interference in
domestic affairs. The case of Kem Sokha is a case
in point.
Cambodia is unapologetic for its own ways of democratization. After all,
even the United States has over two hundred years of democratic history, the
recent violence at Capitol Hill is not something that
democratic countries aspire to. The US rejection of foreign influence in its
election is nothing different from the Cambodian case.
Economic progress
Third, Cambodia has attained high-level economic growth with a significant
contribution to poverty reduction and improvement of people’s well-being
including protection and promotion of fundamental human rights.
With peace and stability, Cambodia’s economy grew at an average
annual rate of 7.7% between 1998 and 2019, making it one of the fastest-growing
economies in the world. As a result, poverty has been drastically reduced and
Cambodia has made considerable strides in improving health outcomes, early
childhood development, and primary education in rural areas.
Life expectancy at birth and maternal, under-five, and infant mortality
rates improved significantly between 2000 and 2021.
This is something that developing countries in the world want in the first
place.
As a matter of fact, not many post-conflict nations have the above three
elements altogether for a sustained period like Cambodia.
Sometimes countries have peace and development, but their government is
not inclined to adopt a democratic system. Sometimes countries have democracy,
but their domestic politics is messy, their society is not peaceful, and the
economy stagnates.
Therefore, to look at Cambodia’s democracy, one should step back a bit and
view it from an international comparative perspective instead of a fixed
paradigm and prejudice.
Cambodia is confident to say that it has done well in its own way
considering its tragic past. Democracy is a process and not an end.
Cambodia has started gradually to transform itself into a society
with positive peace that seeks to settle political differences
through “ballots instead of bullets.” This is a great transformation for a
country like Cambodia that had experienced endless bloodshed and great miseries
for the people.
There is no looking back for Cambodia’s democracy. Cambodia will only move
forward.
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