Thailand’s Threat Game–Self-Destructive Maneuvers Based on Outdated Information

Khmer Times, Opinion, 25 June 2025 (Link)

Following a brief border skirmish between Cambodia and Thailand that led to the killing of a Cambodian soldier on May 28, 2025, tensions have been escalated in other areas especially restrictions of border crossings and transnational economic activities.

The tit-for-tat restrictive measures are textbook examples of how interdependence has been exploited for national security at the expense of bourgeoning trade relations that benefit both sides.

Interdependence used to be the cornerstone of peacebuilding, and confidence-building.

A unilateral series of border measures was ordered by Bangkok on June 6, ranging from closures and arbitrary hours at major border crossings like Poipet, which have interrupted flows of goods and people from both sides.

In response, on June 13, the Cambodian government shut down the Doung border crossing in Battambang province that has led to significant congestion, with many trucks loaded with Thai produce stranded at the border.

On June 17, Cambodia banned all imports of Thai fruit and vegetables in response to Thailand’s refusal to fully open all border checkpoints.

On June 21, Military Region 2 of the Thai army informed about its unilateral decision to close Choub Korki border checkpoint at Oddar Meanchey province. In response, Cambodia also decided to close another checkpoint at Choam, together with Choub Korki checkpoint.

Using international law to create peaceful borders between eternal neighbours

Khmer Times, Opinion, 12 June 2025 (Link)

Tensions on the Cambodian-Thai border have created a toxic atmosphere of ultra-nationalism. With assistance from Google Translate, it’s possible to understand how extremists on both sides express themselves about their neighbors on social media, using Khmer and Thai to mask international censorship of hate speech.

One group demanded that the other country be wiped off the world map.

The language of hatred and rejection of another nation, as well as the promotion of revision of history or the revival of past imperial glory, dominate their discussions.

Some asked “what if” questions, such as “if France weren’t there.”

Both sides display a condescending attitude, arguing over who is more superior, more civilised, who has more, and who loses more.

Some have accused Cambodia of playing on victim narratives. But who can escape such memories when, throughout its 500-year history, Cambodians have heard nothing but defeats, wars, invasions, and occupations?

This has been Cambodia’s position in world history. Cambodia must live with it.

Cambodia has lost more than its history can record: 500 years of chaos, internal disunity, and wars driven by contested borders, survival, and existence.

For Cambodians, remembering history means describing the vastness of the Khmer Empire, which flourished from the 9th to the 15th centuries, representing the highest level of civilisation in continental Southeast Asia, and the period of decline that followed.

These two contradictory periods have shaped the pride and complexion of Cambodian people.