Tuesday, March 7, 2023

Cambodia makes its own way in Kem Sokha case

Opinion, Asia Times, 7 March 2023 (Link)

 

The sentencing of an opposition figure for treason sends a message that foreign interference will be rejected.       

Cambodia made two important choices on its national trajectory considering the recent sentencing of Kem Sokha to 27 years of house arrest on charges of treason and conspiracy with a foreign power.

First, it made clear that Cambodia chose peaceful democratization in its consistent endeavor to build a multiparty liberal democracy as enshrined in its constitution.

Some may observe the sentence as the end of democracy. But looking at Cambodia’s history of nation-building, the event was just a point of time in which Cambodia confirmed its self-determination on what kind of democracy it intends to build.

Surely, Cambodia does not opt for agitating, abrupt, violent and selfish democracy in which individual freedom is cherished and sanctified more than peace, stability, and social harmony.

The context is strange when the individual right to possess a gun is so much more important than the protection of children’s lives. The context is beyond comprehensible when individual freedom and democracy is being prioritized so much more than peace even at the sacrifice of the people’s right to life.

What does democracy mean for countries fallen into wars that see no end? The right to life is the most sacred human right of all.

Attempted coups, sabotage of government and public security are responded to firmly in every country. For instance, in December 2022, Germany suppressed a coup plot by launching one of its biggest ever raids, nationwide and beyond (in Austria and Italy), involving 3,000 officers, searching 150 properties and arresting 25 people in total.

In July 2016, scores of people were killed in Turkey and more than 1,400 wounded as a result of an attempted coup. Meanwhile, the government arrested some 6,000 people, including high-ranking soldiers and judges.

Compared with the above cases, Cambodian authorities’ actions in containing a planned color revolution have been rather calm. No violence, no torture, no bloodshed.

All human-rights aspects have been observed strictly. For instance, the rights of criminal defendants were fully guaranteed, including the right to a lawyer, permission for observation of the trials, and health-care consideration. In Cambodia, foreign diplomats were even allowed to observe the 66 hearings held from January 15, 2020, until December 21, 2022.

In contrast, in April 2019, Thailand’s Foreign Ministry protested against Western embassies accusing it of breaching protocol when the latter witnessed court proceedings of a Thai politician charged with sedition.

The crime of treason, conspiracy with foreign powers, sabotage of government and public security are among the most severe types of crimes.

Cambodia firmly implemented its law in protecting constitutional order, and in the process has strictly observed human-rights obligations and protocols.

These actions clearly show that Cambodia has chosen democracy based on the rule of law. All political parties and actors must remind themselves of obligations to protect peace, stability and social harmony in their promotion of multi-party liberal democracy under the constitution.

This is Cambodia’s choice.

The second choice Cambodia made in the Kem Sokha case was to make clear that it strongly rejects foreign intervention and interference in domestic affairs.

In 1994, Singapore sentenced Michael Fay, an American teenager, to jail and caning for vandalism and theft. Then-US president Bill Clinton requested clemency, putting Singapore in a dilemma.

Recalling how the event strained US-Singapore relations, former prime minister Goh Chok Tong noted, “On the one hand, we need to stand firm on the rule of law..… On the other hand, had we granted clemency, we would not have done our relationship with the US a favor, because we would be seen to be a client state of the US.”

The late prime minister Lee Kuan Yew put it more bluntly: “The American society is the richest and most prosperous in the world, but it is hardly safe and peaceful. If you like it that way, that is your problem. But that is not the path we choose. They always talk about human rights. I think it is just a convenient slogan.”

According to Goh, in 2002 Clinton said to him, “You should have caned him more,” and added that Fay’s father should also have caned him earlier.

This was a tough decision for Singapore when the country needed to reject foreign interference in executing its rule of law.

But Kem Sokha’s case was much tougher. This is not a case where an American kid messed up a Singapore park, but it was a case where a Cambodian politician stirred up domestic politics with support from foreign powers. Kem Sokha said so himself proudly, that his activities were meant to gain more political confidence from his supporters.

No one tortured him to make him confess; and no one forced him to speak about his long-term plots to overthrow the Hun Sen government through a color revolution with support from foreign powers.

This is like having a Russian-American politician trying to run for president in the US, claiming that he has a good formula to fix America’s democracy. How would the Americans handle a foreign-controlled politician in their homeland?

Rejecting foreign interference is no easy feat for small states. Threats, coercion, intimidation and unilateral sanctions are foreseeable consequences.

But Cambodia still says no to foreign interference in its domestic affairs, and has chosen to implement its laws firmly.

If foreign sanction results from maintaining domestic peace, and the foreign trophy of human rights is given only at the expense of domestic peace and stability, Cambodia would choose domestic peace and sovereignty.

Senior Cambodian leaders are rather tone-deaf about sanctions from Western nations because they experienced unjust economic sanctions for 12 years, from 1979 until 1993, after survivors emerged from the genocidal Pol Pot regime. They are resilient and proud people who have contributed to turning the country from war to peace, and from peace to prosperity.

They are the generation who believed that foreign intervention had been one of the major causes of Cambodia’s tragedy that had left scars that can be seen even until today, like landmines and unexploded remnants of wars (UXO) as well as the toxic Agent Orange legacy.

Their experiences tell them not to let go of peace, independence and sovereignty. Cambodia will hold on tight of its own destiny with its own hands.

Cambodia chose a peaceful democratization process based on the rule of law and with full respect to peace and stability. Its self-determination shall be respected.

Thursday, March 2, 2023

ការអះ​អាងថា អាណិក​ជន​ខ្មែរ​ទាំង​អស់​សុទ្ធ​តែស្អ​ប់រា​ជ​រ​ដ្ឋា​ភិបាល​គឺប្រាស​ចាក​ពី​កា​រពិ​ត​

វិភាគសង្គម, ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍, ថ្ងៃទី២ ខែមីនា ឆ្នាំ២០២៣ (តំណភ្ជាប់)

អាណិក​ជន​ខ្មែ​រដែ​លគាំ​ទ្រ​សម្តេច​តេជោ​ ហ៊ុន សែន ក៏​មាន​សិទ្ធិបញ្ចេញ​សំឡេង​ស្មើគ្នា​ដូច​នឹ​ងអ្ន​ក​ប្រឆំាងដែរ។​

នៅថ្ងៃទី​ ២៣ ខែ​កុម្ភៈ ទស្សនា​វដ្តី The Diplomat បាន​ចេញ​ផ្សា​យអត្ថ​បទ​សរ​សេរដោ​យលោ​ក​ David Whitehous​e ​ក្រោ​មចំណង​ជើង​ថា​ “អូស្ត្រាលីចា​ត់​វិ​ធាន​ការ​តឹង​រ៉ឹង​ចំពោះ​ការគំ​រា​ម​កំហែង​របស់រដ្ឋាភិបាល​​ប​រទេ​ស​ទៅលើ​អាណិកជន​កម្ពុជា និងរ្វ៉ាន់ដា” (“Australia Gets Tough on Foreign Government Intimidation of Cambodian, Rwandan Diasporas.”)។

អត្ថបទនេះ​បាន​ចោទ​រាជ​រដ្ឋា​ភិ​បាល​កម្ពុជាថា បាន​គំរាមកំហែង​ស​ហ​​គមន៍អាណិ​ក​ជន​ខ្មែ​រ ដើម្បី​បិ​ទខ្ទប់សំឡេង​ប្រឆាំង និង​ការ​រៃអង្គា​ស​លុយ​ដើម្បីច​ល​នា​ប្រឆាំ​ង​។​

ប៉ុន្តែកា​រអះ​អា​ងបែ​បនេះ​​​ គឺខ្វះភាព​សត្យា​នុ​ម័ត និង​មិន​យុត្តិ​ធម៌ចំពោះ​ស្ថានភាពជាក់​ស្តែង​នៃនយោបា​យ​​​កម្ពុជា។​

អ្នកនិពន្ធ​បាន​តាំងខ្លួនថា ជា​អ្នកចូ​លរួម​តាក់តែង​សៀវភៅ​ជីវប្រវត្តិ​របស់​មេដឹក​នាំ​ចលនា​​ប្រឆាំង​គឺ​លោកសម រង្ស៊ី ដែល​ជា​បុគ្គល​​នយោបាយ​ដ៏​ចម្រូងចម្រាស​១​រូប។

ស្ទីល​នយោ​បា​យ​ និង​វិធី​សា​ស្ត្រទាក់​ទា​ញ​ចំណាប់​អារ​ម្ម​ណ៍របស់​លោក សម រង្ស៊ី គឺ​តែងតែផ្អែក​លើ​ការ​កេងប្រវ័ញ្ច​​លើ​​ព្រំដែន​នៃសិទ្ធិ​សេរី​ភាព និង​លទ្ធិ​ប្រជា​ធិ​បតេយ្យ។

ថ្មីៗ​នេះ បន្ថែម​លើ​ករណី​ដែល​មាន​កន្លងមក គាត់​បា​នធ្វើ​ការ​​វាយ​ប្រហារ​ដោយ​ប្រមាថ​សាជាថ្មី ចំពោះ​អង្គ​ព្រះមហាក្សត្រ នៃ​ព្រះរាជា​ណាចក្រ​កម្ពុជា ដែល​ជាបុគ្គ​លសា​ធា​រ​ណៈដែល​មិ​នអាច​រំ​លោ​ភ​បំ​ពាន​បាន​ឡើយ​នៅក្រោ​មរ​ដ្ឋ​ធម្ម​នុញ្ញ​។​

បើ​ប្រៀបធៀប​ទៅ នេះ​គឺ​ដូច​ជា​ការ​ដែល​​អ្នក​នយោបាយ​អូស្ត្រាលី​ម្នាក់​ បាន​​ធ្វើ​ការ​វាយ​ប្រហារ​ជា​សាធារណៈ​ប៉ះពាល់​ដល់​​សេចក្តី​ថ្លៃថ្នូរ​របស់​មហា​ក្សត្រី​ អេលី​ហ្សាប៊ែ​ត​ ទី​២ អ៊ីចឹង (សូម​បញ្ជា​ក់​ថា​ អតីត​មហាក្ស​ត្រី ​អេ​លីហ្សា​ប៊ែ​ត​ ក៏មាន​តួនាទី​ជាប្រមុ​ខ​រដ្ឋ​របស់​អូស្ត្រាលី​ផង​ដែ​រ​)។

លោក​ សម រង្ស៊ី​ ក៏​បាន​ធ្វើ​ការ​ចោទប្រកាន់​ជា​ច្រើន​ថា សម្តេច​តេជោ​​នាយក​រដ្ឋ​មន្ត្រីហ៊ុន សែន នៅ​ពី​ក្រោយ​​ករណី​ធ្វើ​ឃាត​ផ្សេងៗ។ ​ជា​ថ្មី​ម្តង​ទៀត ការ​ចោទប្រកាន់​បែបនេះ គឺ​ប្រៀបបី​ដូច​ជាការ​ដែល​​អ្នក​នយោ​បាយ​អូស្ត្រាលី​​ចោទថា មហា​​ក្សត្រី អេលីហ្សា​ប៊ែត នៅពី​ក្រោយ​ការ​ធ្វើឃាត​​ព្រះនាង​ដៃអាណា​ (Diana) អ៊ីចឹង​ដែរ​។

ដូច្នេះ ស្ទីល​នយោ​បាយ​របស់​លោក​ សម រង្ស៊ី មាន​លក្ខណៈ​ចម្រូងចម្រាស​ខ្លាំង​ណា​ស់​ ហើយ​គាត់​តែង​តែ​លាក់ខ្លួន​​ពួន​អាត្មា​នៅពី​ក្រោយ​លេស​នៃសិទ្ធិ និង​សេរីភាព​នៃ​ការ​បញ្ចេញ​មតិ។

ដូច្នេះ​សាធារណជន​គួរ​តែ​អាច​ថ្លឹង​ថ្លែង​បាន​អំពី​ក​ង្វះ​ខាត​​ភាពស​ត្យានុ​ម័ត​នៃ​អត្ថ​បទរបស់​​លោក​Whitehouse នៅពេល​ដែល​ស្មេររូ​បនេះ​ បាន​ភ្ជាប់​ខ្លួន​ទៅនឹ​ង​បុគ្គល​​នយោបា​យដ៏​ចម្រូ​ង​ចម្រា​សនិ​ងជ្រុ​ល​និយម​បែ​បនេះ​។​

ទី២អ​ត្ថ​ប​ទនេះ​បាន​លើក​ទឹក​ចិ​ត្តដល់​វ​ប្បធ​ម៌ន​យោបាយ​ជ្រុល​និយ​ម​​ដែលអាច​ប​ង្កគ្រោះ​ថ្នា​ក់​ដល់គោលការ​ណ៍ប្រ​ជា​ធិប​តេយ្យ​ និង​ទំនា​ក់​ទំ​នង​រ​វាង​រដ្ឋ​នឹង​​រដ្ឋ​។

យោង​តាម​គោ​លកា​រណ៍​ប្រជា​ធិ​បតេយ្យ​ ប្រ​សិន​បើគេ​​ទទួលស្គា​ល់​សិទ្ធិ​របស់​​អា​ណិក​ជ​ន​ខ្មែរ ក្នុ​ងកា​រ​គាំទ្រក្រុម​ប្រឆាំ​ងវា​ក៏​ជា​ការ​ត្រឹម​ត្រូវ​និ​ងយុត្តិ​ធ​ម៌ផ​ងដែ​​រសម្រាប់អាណិក​​ជន​ខ្មែរ ក្នុងការអនុ​វ​ត្តសិ​ទ្ធិ​គាំទ្ររាជ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​ជាប់​ឆ្នោត​រប​ស់កម្ពុ​ជា​។

​ការ​ចោ​ទប្រ​កាន់​ថា ​រាជ​រដ្ឋាភិ​បាល​បាន​បំភិតបំ​ភ័យ​ស​ហគ​មន៍​អាណិកជ​នខ្មែរ​​គឺមិនត្រឹម​ត្រូវ​នោះ​ឡើ​យ​។
តាម​ពិត​អា​ណិកជន​ដែល​គាំទ្រ​រាជរ​​ដ្ឋា​ភិបាលកម្ពុជា ​និង​គណ​ប​ក្សប្រជាជ​នក​ម្ពុ​ជា​ដែល​កំពុ​ងកា​ន់អំ​ណាច​ទៅ​វិញទេ​ ដែល​បាន​ទទួ​ល​រង​ការ​គាប​សង្កត់ប្រ​មា​ថ​មាក់ងា​យ និង​រើ​ស​អើង​។​

កា​រគំ​រាម​កំហែ​ងចុ​ងក្រោ​យ​នេះ​ គឺ​ធ្វើឡើ​ង​នៅស​ហរដ្ឋ​អាមេរិ​ក ​ដោយ​គំរាមថា​ អ្នកដែ​ល​គាំ​ទ្រ​គ​ណប​ក្ស​ប្រជាជ​ន​ អាចនឹង​ត្រូវ​​ដ​កហូត​ស​ញ្ជាតិ​អាមេ​រិក ​ដ​ក​សិទ្ធិ​ស្នាក់​​នៅ ហើ​យ​អាច​នឹងត្រូវ​គេ​បញ្ជូ​ន​​ត្រឡប់​ទៅ​កម្ពុជាវិញ។

ទិដ្ឋ​ភាព​ប្រឆាំង​រ​បស់​​អាណិ​ក​ជន​បាន​ថម​ថយ​ហើយ​​។ ​ថ្មីៗ​នេះអា​ណិក​ជ​ន​ខ្មែរ​កាន់តែមាន​ទំនុកចិត្ត​គ្រប់គ្រាន់​ក្នុង​ការចូ​ល​រួមក្នុ​ង​ព្រឹត្តិ​ការ​ណ៍​សា​ធារណៈ​ និងប​ង្ហា​ញ​ពីការ​គាំទ្រ​រ​បស់​ពួក​គេចំ​ពោះ​រាជរដ្ឋា​​ភិបា​ល​កម្ពុ​ជា​។​

វាបា​នក្លា​យ​ជារឿង​ធ​ម្ម​តាទៅ​ហើយ​ ដែល​សម្តេច​តេជោ​នា​យក​រដ្ឋ​ម​ន្ត្រី​ ហ៊ុន សែន​ ​តែង​តែជួ​ប​​​ប្រជុំ​​សំណេះ​សំណាល ដោយ​មាន​ការចូ​លរួ​ម និង​ស្វាគ​ម​ន៍​ពីសំ​ណាក់​អាណិកជន​ខ្មែរ​រាប់ពាន់​នាក់ នៅក្រៅ​ប្រទេ​ស​ តួយ៉ាង​ដូចជា​នៅ​ទីក្រុ​ងហ្សឺ​ណែវ​ ក្នុ​ងខែ​​កក្កដា ឆ្នាំ​២០​១៩ នៅ​ទី​ក្រុង​វ៉ាស៊ី​ន​តោន​ឌី​ស៊ី ​និងទីក្រុងហ្ស៊ូ​រិច​ (Zurich) ក្នុ​ង​​ខែឧស​ភា​ ឆ្នាំ ២​០២២ និង​ចុង​ក្រោ​យបំ​ផុ​ត​នៅទីក្រុ​ងប្រ៊ុ​ច​សែល​ក្នុងខែ​ធ្នូ​ ឆ្នាំ​ ២០២២។

ការកើ​នឡើ​ងនៃកា​រប​ញ្ចេញ​មតិជា​សា​ធារណៈ​រប​ស់អាណិ​កជ​នខ្មែ​រ​សម្តែង​ការគាំ​ទ្រ​ចំពោះរា​ជរ​ដ្ឋាភិ​បាល​កម្ពុជា​ គឺ​ជា​ទិដ្ឋ​ភា​ពទូ​ទៅ​នៃ​លទ្ធិប្រ​ជា​ធិបតេ​យ្យដែ​លប្រជា​​ពលរ​ដ្ឋ​អាចអ​នុវ​ត្តសេ​រី​ភាព​​ន​យោបាយ​​រ​ប​ស់ខ្លួ​ន​។

ការ​អះអាង​ថា​ អាណិកជ​នខ្មែរ​ទាំងអស់​សុទ្ធ​តែមាន​និន្នា​ការប្រឆាំ​ងរា​ជ​រ​ដ្ឋាភិបាល​ គឺជា​ការនិយាយ​ហួសហេតុ ដោយ​គ្មាន​ភាព​សត្យានុ​ម័​ត​។

បើ​ពិនិត្យ​លើ​ទិដ្ឋភាព​ទំនាក់​ទំន​ងអ​ន្ត​ររដ្ឋវិញ​ ការ​លើកទឹក​ចិ​ត្តឱ្យ​មានចល​នាន​យោ​បាយ​ប្រ​ឆាំង​​រដ្ឋាភិបាលរបស់​ប្រទេស​មួយ​ផ្សេង​ទៀត គឺមាន​លក្ខណៈ​រសើ​ប​ខ្លាំង​ណាស់​។ ប្រការ​នេះអនុញ្ញាត​ឱ្យ​មាន​កា​របំ​ពា​ន​និង​លូក​ដៃ​​ជ្រៀត​ជ្រែក​ក្នុ​ងកិច្ចកា​រផ្ទៃ​ក្នុ​ង​របស់​រដ្ឋមួយ​ផ្សេង​ទៀ​ត​ ដោយ​ប្រើ​លេស​លទ្ធិ​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ​ ​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស និង​សេរី​ភា​ពន​យោបា​យ។​

យើង​បាន​ដឹង​ឮ​នូវ​រឿងរ៉ា​វជា​ច្រើ​ន នៅពេល​ដែលសហ​រដ្ឋ​អាមេរិក​បាន​ស​ង្ស័​យថា​ មាន​​ឥទ្ធិ​ពល​រ​បស់​រុស្ស៊ី​នៅក្នុង​ទម្រ​ង់នយោ​បា​យខ្ពស់បំ​ផុ​តរ​ប​ស់ខ្លួ​ន ​ពោល​គឺនៅ​​ក្នុង​ការ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ជ្រើស​រើស​​ប្រធានា​ធិ​បតី​។​​ប្រទេ​ស​អូស្ត្រាលី​ក៏បា​នចា​ត់វិ​ធា​នកា​រផ្ទា​ល់​ខ្លួន​ ដើម្បី​ទប់​ស្កា​ត់កុំ​ឱ្យ​មាន​ឥទ្ធិ​ពលរ​ប​ស់ចិ​ន​នៅក្នុងនយោ​បាយ​​ក្នុង​ស្រុក​រប​ស់​ខ្លួន​ដែរ​។

យោង​តាម​សន្ធិ​សញ្ញា​ W​estphali​a ​ដែល​ជាមូ​លដ្ឋា​នគ្រឹះ​សម្រា​ប់ទំ​នៀ​មទ​ម្លាប់​និង​ប​ទដ្ឋា​ននៃទំនា​ក់​ទំ​ន​ង​អ​ន្ត​រជាតិរ​ដ្ឋ​ទាំងឡា​យ​ត្រូវ​គោរព​តាមគោល​ការ​​ណ៍សំខា​ន់ៗ​ចំ​នួន៤ គឺ​សិទ្ធិ​​ស្វ័យ​សម្រេច​របស់​ជាតិ​សាស​ន៍​​នីមួ​យ​ៗ,ការ​ប្រើ​ប្រាស់​ការទូ​តក្នុង​ការ​ដោះស្រាយ​ជម្លោះ​,​កា​រ​រួ​មរស់​ដោ​យស​ន្តិ​ភាព​ក្នុង​ចំណោ​ម​រដ្ឋ​អធិប​តេ​យ្យ​,និងការមិន​ជ្រៀតជ្រែ​ក​កិច្ចកា​រផ្ទៃ​ក្នុ​ងរប​​ស់រដ្ឋ​អធិ​ប​តេយ្យ​ដ​ទៃទៀ​ត​។

ប៉ុន្តែ នៅ​ក្នុង​ការ​អនុ​វត្ត​ជាក់ស្តែ​ង​គឺមិន​ដូ​ចទ្រឹ​ស្តីទាំ​ង​ស្រុង​នោះទេ​​។ បើ​គិត​ទៅ វាហាក់​ដូច​ជា​ការពោល​របស់​កវី​និព​ន្ធអ​ក្សរ​សិ​ល្ប៍បែប​ន​យោបាយ​របស់​អង់គ្លេស​លោក​ George Orwell នៅក្នុង​រឿង “កសិដ្ឋានសត្វ” (Animal Farm) ចេញ​ផ្សាយ​ក្នុងឆ្នាំ​១៩៤៥ ដែល​បាន​ពោលថា "សត្វទាំង​អស់គឺ​ស្មើ​គ្នា ប៉ុន្តែ​សត្វ​ខ្លះ​គឺវា​ស្មើគ្នា​លើស​ពី​សត្វដទៃ"។

យើង​សង្កេត​ឃើញ​មាន​ករណី​ជាច្រើ​ននៃ​ការ​អ​នុ​វត្តក្រៅដែន​យុត្តាធិការ​ និង​ក្រៅដែន​អធិបតេយ្យ​របស់​រដ្ឋមួយចំនួ​ន ដែ​ល​បំពាន​ដល់​កិច្ចកា​រ​ផ្ទៃក្នុ​ងរ​ប​ស់រ​ដ្ឋផ្សេ​ង​ទៀត។​ ប្រទេស​ខ្លះ​ប្រើ​អំណាចស​ភា​និងនីតិ​ប្រតិ​ប​ត្តិ​​ដើម្បី​ដាក់ទ​ណ្ឌ​កម្មសេ​ដ្ឋកិ​ច្ច និងកា​រទូ​តដើម្បីជ្រៀ​តជ្រែ​ក​ចូ​ល​ក្នុងនយោបាយ​ក្នុងស្រុករ​បស់រដ្ឋ​ដទៃ​ទៀ​តដែល​ភាគ​ច្រើ​នជារ​ដ្ឋ​ទន់​ខ្សោយ​។

រដ្ឋ​ទាំង​អ​ស់គួរ​តែប្រុ​ងប្រ​យ័ត្ន​ក្នុង​ការបែងចែ​កឱ្យដាច់​​រវាង​ការ​លើ​កទឹកចិត្ត​សេ​រីភាព​នយោបាយ​និងលទ្ធិប្រ​ជាធិប​តេយ្យ​ពីការ​លើក​ទឹកចិ​ត្តវប្បធ​ម៌ន​យោបាយ​ជ្រុ​លនិ​យ​ម​។

ទោះបីជា​គេយ​ល់ថា​ ​ខ្លួនឯ​ង​ជាអ្នក​នយោបាយ​ល្អប៉ុន​ណាក៏ដោយ ​គ្មា​នអ្នកនយោបា​​យក្នុង​ប្រទេស​ណាមួយ​ ​​អាច​រួច​ខ្លួន​ពី​ការស្អ​ប់​ពីសំ​ណាក់​បុគ្គល​ ដែល​មាន​គំនិ​តនយោបា​យ​ផ្សេងគ្នានោះ​ឡើ​យ​​។ យ៉ាង​ណា​ក៏​ដោយ ការ​​បញ្ចេញ​មតិ​ និង​សេរីភាព​នយោបាយ​ទាំង​អស់ ​ត្រូវ​ធ្វើ​ឡើង​ស្រប​តាម​ច្បាប់ និង​ដោយ​គោរព​សេចក្តី​ថ្លៃថ្នូរ​របស់​បុគ្គល។

គ្មាន​នរណា​ម្នាក់​អាច​បញ្ឈប់​​អាណិកជន​ខ្មែរ​ ដែល​មាន​និន្នាការ​ប្រឆាំង មិន​ឱ្យ​ពួក​គាត់​​សម្តែងទស្សនៈផ្ទុយ​ពីរាជរដ្ឋា​ភិបាល និង​​ការមិន​គាំទ្រ​ចំពោះ​ថ្នាក់​ដឹកនាំ​កម្ពុជា​បាន​ឡើយ។ ដូច​គ្នា​​ដែរអាណិកជន​ខ្មែរ​ដែល​មាន​ទស្សនៈ​នយោបាយ​ខុសពីក្រុម​ប្រឆាំង ក៏មិន​ត្រូវ​ទទួល​រង​ការ​រារាំង​ណា​មួយ ចំពោះ​ការអនុវត្ត​សិទ្ធិនយោ​បាយ និងការ​បញ្ចេញ​មតិ​របស់ខ្លួន​ក្នុងការ​គាំទ្រ​រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល​កម្ពុជា​ដែរ​។​

នេះ គឺ​​ជា​គោលការណ៍​ស្នូល​នៃ​លទ្ធិប្រជាធិ​បតេយ្យដែល​ត្រូវតែ​​គោរព​ប្រតិបត្តិ​ដោយ​យុត្តិធម៌ ​និង​ស្មើភាព​ដោយ​គ្មាន​ការ​រើស​អើង៕


Wednesday, March 1, 2023

Cambodian diaspora’s opposition ‘consensus’ misrepresented

Opinion, Asia Times, 1 March 2023 (Link)

Hun Sen’s expatriate supporters have as much right to be heard as his opponents

On February 23, The Diplomat published an article written by David Whitehouse titled “Australia Gets Tough on Foreign Government Intimidation of Cambodian, Rwandan Diasporas.”

The article accused the Cambodian government of intimidating members of the Cambodian diaspora to stifle dissenting voices and fundraising.

However, the argument lacks a fair and objective assessment of Cambodian politics.

The author identified himself as co-author of the autobiography of Cambodian opposition leader Sam Rainsy, who is a very controversial political figure.

Sam Rainsy exploits the borderline of freedom and democracy as means for his political style and self-expression. Just recently, he added up his multiple accounts of verbal assaults against the Cambodian king, who is an inviolable public figure under the constitution. This is akin to an Australian politician making a public attack against the dignity of the late Queen Elizabeth II.

He made several accusations that Prime Minister Hun Sen is behind various assassination cases. This is again like an Australian politician accusing Queen Elizabeth of masterminding an assassination of Diana, Princess of Wales.

This is how problematic his political style is under the guise of freedom of expression.

Therefore, Whitehouse’s association with such a controversial and extremist political figure should be enough to arouse caution when evaluating the objectivity of his article.

Second, the article encourages an extremist political culture that could be harmful to democratic principles and inter-state relations.

According to democratic principles, if it is a recognizable right of the Cambodian diaspora to support an opposition group, it is also right and fair for anyone to support the elected government of Cambodia.

Accusing the government of intimidating and harassing diaspora communities is erroneous.

In fact, it is members of the diaspora who support the Cambodian government and the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) who have been suppressed, humiliated and discriminated.

The latest threats made in the United States are that those who support the CPP could have their American citizenship and resident rights revoked, and may be repatriated back to Cambodia.

The landscape has changed. Recently, members of the diaspora gained enough confidence to join public events and express their support for Cambodian government, and it has become commonplace for Hun Sen to conduct meetings with thousands of Cambodians overseas, such as in​ Geneva in July 2019,​ Washington and Zurich in May 2022, and the latest one in Brussels in December.

The increase of public expression of support from the Cambodian diaspora toward the government speaks to the practice of democracy in which people can exercise political freedom.

Claiming that the whole Cambodian diaspora supports the opposition is far-fetched and lacks objectivity.

On inter-state relations, encouraging anti-government political movements against another state is politically sensitive. This allows intrusion and meddling in the internal affairs of another state under the guise of democracy, human rights and political freedom.

Stories abound that the US has suspected Russian influence in its highest form of politics, the presidential election. Australia also took actions to prevent Chinese influence within its domestic politics.

According to the Westphalia Treaty, which is the cornerstone for customary practice and norms of international relations, states shall abide by four important principles, namely national self-determination, the resort to diplomacy in resolving conflicts, peaceful coexistence among sovereign states, and non-interference in the internal affairs of other sovereign states.

But the real practice is rather different. To borrow George Orwell’s quote, it seems that “all animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others.”

There are multiple occurrences of extrajudicial and extraterritorial practice of some states that intrude the internal affairs of other states. Some states use their parliamentary and executive powers to impose economic and diplomatic sanctions to meddle in domestic politics of other states, mostly weaker ones.

All states should be cautious in differentiating between the encouragement of political freedom and democracy, and the encouragement of extreme political culture.

No politicians of any country, no matter how good they perceive themselves to be, can totally exempt themselves from hatred by people who have different political opinions. Nonetheless, all expression of political freedom should be made in accordance with the law and with respect for the dignity of the person.

No one can stop the opposition diaspora from having unfavorable views against Cambodian leaders. Likewise, no Cambodian diaspora should be prevented from expressing different political opinions from the opposition groups.

This is the core principle of democracy, which should be observed and applied fairly and equally without discrimination.

Tuesday, January 10, 2023

ASEAN's Achievements under Cambodian Chairmanship 2022

Khmer Times, Opinion 10 January 2023, (Link)

It was with great pride and honor that Cambodia successfully hosted the 40th and 41st ASEAN Summits and Related Summits in November, and the whole Cambodian team can finally feel relieved as we passed on the chairmanship to Indonesia after the year-long dedication and hard work from each and every member of the organizing committee.

We have tried our best to put a smile on the face of every leader who attended the summits, and allow everyone to return home with a good memory of a fulfilling visit to Cambodia, both in terms of success on the substance of the deliberations, revitalization of friendship and direct personal engagement among leaders after a long hiccup caused by the Covid-19 pandemic.

The support and assistance, cooperation and flexibility extended by all ASEAN member states, as well as our external partners, have been indispensable for Cambodia to steer the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' process successfully throughout 2022 under the theme “ASEAN A.C.T.: Addressing Challenges Together."

Everyone can agree that 2022 was an exceptionally challenging year, with many "hot stones" – the term coined by Prime Minister Hun Sen suggesting difficult issues even more serious than hot potatoes – affecting the region and the world at the same time as other rising geopolitical tensions, such as impacts of the war in Ukraine, the Myanmar crisis, escalation of the situations in the Korean Peninsula and the Taiwan Strait, while we already had our hands full with intensifying efforts to recover from Covid-19, climate-change impacts, and many other existing issues.

Yet ASEAN and our partners succeeded in showing the world that multilateralism is still the best solution for global problems. With our joint efforts through the ASEAN process, we can better manage uncertainties and complexities, or even prevent the dangers of miscalculation, amid intensifying superpower rivalries and regional wars, as well as the threat of a nuclear war.

In listing what we have achieved, we have to carefully and constantly bear in mind that the achievements belong to all ASEAN member states, not just Cambodia alone. And the achievements under Cambodian chairmanship are also the results that stemmed from the work of the previous chairmanships. This continuity of the ASEAN process holds true for every other ASEAN chairmanship, including that of Indonesia this year.

To begin with, in January 2022, we started our chairmanship with the entry into force of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership agreement. This is a greatly positive light amid the gloomy global economic situation. It is worth noting that RCEP negotiation was launched in 2012 in Cambodia also during that country's chairmanship. It is a light of hope against trade protectionism when geopolitical rivalries also affect trade and economic aspects.

Monday, December 19, 2022

Traveling style of Senior Khmer Statesman Hun Sen

Khmer Times, Opinion, 19 December 2022 (Link)

As a prime minister, Hun Sen has travelled a lot both domestically and internationally.

Wherever he goes, he has a popularity like a “Rockstar” that triggers love, support and envy, the charismatic leader who gathers crowd and attention. The frequency and intensity of his travelling is beyond compare and it is very hard to find any international leaders, young or senior, that can travel as much as he does.

This is not  leisure traveling. These are travels that are full of agenda and energy to create an impact, some even creates history. The traveling that requires heavy physical and mental stamina. The word “healthy” alone may not be sufficient to describe the capability to carry out these heavy duties, the like of Hun Sen’s style of work and travel.

There are many examples of his intensive travel and working style.

Just before the 40th and 41st ASEAN Summits and Related Summits, Hun Sen made a tour to northwestern provinces of Cambodia in late October to meet with Cambodian flood victims.

On 21 and 22 October, he met with 1,853 families and 3,200 families in two separate occasions in Siem Reap province. On 23 October, he met with more than 5,000 families in Banteay Meanchey province.

On 24 October, he met with 11,528 families in Battambang province. On 25 October, he met with 5,145 families in Pursat province. On 26 October, he met with 3,460 families in Kampong Chhnang province. On 29 October, he visited Kampong Thom province and met with 6,844 families. On 30 October, he met with 6,112 families in Prey Veng province.

This is an example of his extremely hectic schedule. And that did not include the schedule that he set for meetings with local authorities and armed forces after meetings with the flood victims.

Friday, October 14, 2022

Long live ASEAN!

Asia Times, Opinion, October 14, 2022 (Link)

By staying true to its founding principles, the association has not only survived for 55 years but grown stronger

It is not unusual for pundits to say the Association of Southeast Asian Nations is doomed to fail, or the end of ASEAN is coming. In fact, it has been said since its creation.

After all, with nations that are so colorful as those in ASEAN, everyone can question how the organization will stick together. But the organization has survived for 55 years. More than that, ASEAN has expanded from five to 10 members, and is making steps toward 11.

There are three rationales, conscious or unconscious. behind the naysayers’ arguments.

First is the misperception that new members add burdens for ASEAN. Second is the misperception that the older members are always united and aligned. And third is a sense of hopelessness over ASEAN’s slow action on divisive international and regional issues.

On the first rationale, Cambodia is a good case study for discussion.

Back in the 1980s, “Cambodian problems” were a major security challenge for the region. Peace and stability were threatened as countries in the region were fearful of the domino effects of communist expansionism.

Indonesia and Thailand had been active in supporting peace negotiations among Cambodia’s different parties. Well ahead of the Paris Peace Agreements of 1991, the proactive contribution from ASEAN to Cambodia’s peace-making process is historically recorded. Large-scale war was fading gradually from Cambodia as well as the region. And as peace solidified, Cambodia applied for ASEAN membership, and acceded to the grouping in 1999.

The fact here is that even when Cambodia was not a member of ASEAN, the organization was proactive in helping Cambodia to achieve peace, and in securing the whole region from large-scale war and the humanitarian plights that are the consequences of war.

This proved that the founding fathers of ASEAN were open-hearted, altruistic and farsighted. They were not selfish at all. The great ASEAN statesmen of those times chose to mediate Cambodian problems even if Cambodia was not a member of ASEAN, because they knew that it was in the interest of ASEAN to do so.

Now, ASEAN is benefiting from a safer and more developed Cambodia. After all, Cambodia sits in the heart of Southeast Asia, and ASEAN would not want to have a poor and war-torn country within its borders.

Thursday, June 2, 2022

ការនិយាយថា ខ្មែរក្រទៅក្រទៅ គឺមិនត្រឹមត្រូវនោះទេ !

ទស្សនៈមិត្តអ្នកអាន, Freshnews, ថ្ងៃទី ២ ខែ មិថុនា ឆ្នាំ ២០២២ (តំណភ្ជាប់)

(ភ្នំពេញ)៖ ពាក្យថា « ខ្មែរក្រទៅក្រទៅ» នរណាក៏ធ្លាប់ស្តាប់លឺពាក្យនេះដែរ ហើយដល់ស្តាប់យូរទៅ ហើយថែមទាំងឃើញឡានលុចស៊ីស រ៉ូលរ៉យ ជិះពេញផ្លូវនៅក្រុងភ្នំពេញ ទន្ទឹមគ្នានឹងអ្នកដើរសុំទាននៅតាមភ្លើងស្តុប យើងក៏ប្រហែលជាអាចនឹកភ្នកក្នុងចិត្តថា តិចដូចគេថាមែនទៅ។ តើយើងគួរជឿតាមគេថា ឬគួរជឿតាមអារម្មណ៍ ដោយគ្មានការពិចារណាឬយ៉ាងណា?

ប្រាកដជាអត់ហើយ។ បើដូច្នេះ តើយើងមានអំណះអំណាង ឬសូចនាករអ្វីដើម្បីធ្វើជាមូលដ្ឋានវាស់វែងភាពមានក្រ និងដើម្បីវែកញែក ដោយសត្យានុម័តទៅលើសំណួរខាងលើនេះ?

ឥឡូវយើងពិភាក្សា និងពិចារណាលើបញ្ហានេះទាំងអស់គ្នា។
ដំបូង យើងយកតួលេខវិទ្យាសាស្ត្រមកពិនិត្យ។ ដើម្បីដឹងថាប្រទេសមួយក្រ ឬមាន ជាទូទៅគឺគេពិនិត្យមើលលើអត្រាភាពក្រីក្រ ពោលគឺភាគរយនៃចំនួនប្រជាជនដែលរស់នៅក្រោមបន្ទាត់ក្រីក្រ ដែលមានចំណូលតិចជាង១,៩ដុល្លារក្នុងមួយថ្ងៃ។ សូចនាករមួយទៀតគឺការពិនិត្យមើលទំហំនៃផលិតផលសរុបក្នុងស្រុក (ផ.ស.ស ឬ GDP) ឬចំណូលជាតិដុល (GNI) ក្នុងប្រជាជនម្នាក់ៗ។

តួលេខរបស់ធនាគារពិភពលោកបានបង្ហាញថា អត្រាភាពក្រីក្ររបស់កម្ពុជាបានធ្លាក់ចុះពី ពី ៥៣% ក្នុងឆ្នាំ២០០៤, មកនៅ ៤៧,៨% នៅឆ្នាំ២០០៧ និងមកនៅត្រឹម ១៣,៥%នៅឆ្នាំ២០១៤។ តួលេខនេះបានបន្តធ្លាក់ចុះនៅក្រោមកម្រិត ១០% នៅមុនពេលវិបត្តិជំងឺកូវីដ-១៩ វាយលុក។ ដើម្បីទប់កុំឱ្យពលរដ្ឋជាច្រើនធ្លាក់ក្នុងស្ថានភាពក្រីក្រសាជាថ្មី ដោយសារវិបត្តិជំងឺកូវីដ រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលបានបញ្ចេញសាច់ប្រាក់ជាង៤០លានដុល្លារក្នុងមួយខែ ដើម្បីឧបត្ថម្ភជីវភាពដល់ក្រុមគ្រួសារក្រីក្រជាង ៧សែនគ្រួសារ ឬស្មើនឹងប្រជាជនជាង ៣លាននាក់។

យ៉ាងណាក្តី យោងតាមការប្រែប្រួលនៃស្ថានភាពសេដ្ឋកិច្ច និងសង្គម ថ្មីៗនេះ កម្ពុជាបានកំណត់ខ្សែបន្ទាត់ភាពក្រីក្រឡើងវិញ តាមរយៈការប្រើប្រាស់ទិន្នន័យអង្កេតសេដ្ឋកិច្ច សង្គមកម្ពុជាថ្មីបំផុត ឆ្នាំ ២០១៩/២០២០ ហើយខ្សែបន្ទាត់ភាពក្រីក្រថ្នាក់ជាតិនៅកម្ពុជា បច្ចុប្បន្នគឺស្មើនឹង ១០.៩៥១ រៀល ឬស្មើនឹង ២,៧ ដុល្លារអាមេរិកសម្រាប់មនុស្សម្នាក់ក្នុងមួយថ្ងៃ ។ ជាមួយនឹងខ្សែបន្ទាត់ភាពក្រីក្រថ្មីនេះ ប្រហែល ១៨% នៃប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាត្រូវបានកំណត់ថាជាអ្នកក្រីក្រ។

បើគ្មានវិបត្តិកូវីដកើតឡើងទេ អត្រាភាពក្រីក្ររបស់កម្ពុជាគឺធ្លាក់ថយចុះជាលំដាប់ ដូច្នេះ ការនិយាយថា ខ្មែរក្រទៅក្រទៅគឺមិនត្រឹមត្រូវនោះទេ។ កំណើនសេដ្ឋកិច្ចក្នុងអត្រាមធ្យម ៧,៧% ក្នុងចន្លោះពីឆ្នាំ១៩៩៨ ដល់ឆ្នាំ ២០១៩ បានធ្វើឱ្យកម្ពុជាក្លាយជាប្រទេសដែលមានកំណើនលឿនបំផុតមួយនៅក្នុងពិភពលោក និងបានចូលរួមចំណែកដល់ការកាត់បន្ថយភាពក្រីក្រផងដែរ។ ក្នុងចំណោម ៦៩ ប្រទេស ដែលមានទិន្នន័យអាចប្រៀបធៀបគ្នាបាន ពីឆ្នាំ ២០០៤ ដល់ឆ្នាំ ២០០៨ កម្ពុជាស្ថិតក្នុងចំណាត់ថ្នាក់ទីបួនលើការកាត់បន្ថយភាពក្រីក្រលឿនបំផុតក្នុងពិភពលោក។

Wednesday, February 9, 2022

Cambodia’s Win-Win Policy and International Peace Theories

Khmer Times, Opinion, 9 February 2022 (Link)

1. Dichotomy of debate: international intervention or endogenous initiative?

It takes only a short time to start a war but ending it and building peace requires generations. Cambodia’s three decades of civil war had sowed distrust and a vicious cycle of structural violence on top of the mutually annihilating behaviour and social destruction. As a result, the whole society had lost every chance of development, as poverty, illiteracy, malnutrition, and the deprivation of basic human rights became the norms.

The Win-Win Policy refers to the national reconciliation policy crafted and implemented by Prime Minister Hun Sen from 1996 to 1998 to end the more than three decades of civil war through dismantling the Khmer Rouge’s political organisation and integrating them into the social, economic, and political life of the Cambodian state.

Not much research has been done on this specific topic due to international perception that peace was fully restored after the 1993 United Nations-brokered elections. However, this perception has gradually changed. More scholars and media communities have started to acknowledge that the 1993 election was merely one building block of the long process of peace-building and was not a definitive point of peace attainment.

When discussing Cambodia’s peace, one should not adopt a mutually-denial manner and focus only on who should take the monopoly of credits for Cambodia’s peace, the international community or the Cambodian government. Discussion on Cambodia’s peace-building tends to adopt two opposite extremes, the “overemphasis on external intervention” and the “nationalistic monopoly of peace.” The former group thinks that the international community should be more assertive in Cambodia’s peace process and should not heed to political compromise with the Hun Sen government. They believe that the international community has an obligation to bring peace to Cambodian people. However, they tend to ignore the limited time and resources that the international community could commit.

The overemphasis on foreign intervention draws criticisms of an imperialist or colonial mindset in which the roles of local actors are not fully appreciated. Consequently, the “nationalistic monopoly of peace” paradigm has emerged to countervail the “overemphasis on external intervention” paradigm to give credits to local actors and initiatives. Indeed, there were historical facts showing achievements by the local actors. Unfortunately, they were not fully appreciated by some circles of the international community. The Cambodian government’s narrative on the Khmer-initiated Win-Win Policy is thus viewed as a propaganda attempting to promote local monopolisation of Cambodia’s attainment of peace. However, the “nationalistic monopoly of peace” paradigm has its firm ground. As war lingered on, monopolisation of the peace process by local stakeholders increased because international intervention could not endure the lengthy peace-building process that could take decades. Aid fatigue and human resource exhaustion are the limit of international intervention.

Nevertheless, it is not right to suggest that total peace can be achieved without external involvement because if international actors still provide military, diplomatic, and political support or even media support to rebel groups, secessionist groups, or groups that seek the violent overthrow of the government, peace created by local stakeholders cannot withstand. Thus, on top of the domestic stakeholders’ commitment to peacebuilding, durable peace requires direct and indirect support from the international community for state legitimacy.

Friday, February 4, 2022

Cambodia’s economy: what to watch for in 2022

Asia Times, Opinion, February 4, 2022 (Link)

The country has largely brought the pandemic under control, and signs of a strong recovery are good

Prior to the Covid-19 pandemic, Cambodia was a world leader in economic growth and poverty reduction. It sustained an average growth rate of 7.7% between 1995 and 2019, raising its per capita income from US$323 in 1995 to $1,621 in 2019, and graduated to a lower-middle-income economy in 2015. The poverty rate fell from 47.8% in 2007 to 13.5% in 2014.

Like every country, Cambodia’s economy as well as society as a whole has been severely affected by the Covid-19 pandemic.

Nonetheless, since last November, Cambodia has reopened the country and started to live with Covid-19, betting on the kingdom’s herd immunity built upon one of the world’s highest vaccination rates.

As of November 28, the country was ranked second in Asia and seventh in the world for the total share of fully and partly vaccinated people in its total population. On December 20, the results of the so-called “February 20 community event” were declared an end after the government had struggled to contain the outbreak nationwide for 10 months.

The world is quite contradictory because the advanced economies have a surplus of vaccines and yet they are struggling with vaccine hesitancy, while developing countries have been battling for access to vaccines.

Cambodia is among the lucky few developing countries that can secure vaccines for its people, who welcome inoculation as the only means and strategy for national reopening up. The World Health Organization attested to Cambodia’s vaccine success in that regard, but also warned of “vaccine optimism.”

As of November, 87.7% of the population of about 16 million had been fully vaccinated, and Covid-19 has been under control with fewer than 3,000 deaths.

On top of public health measures, robust fiscal, economic and social-security measures have been pursued to prevent the full-scale fallout of the economy and people’s livelihoods. In December, the government laid out 10 rounds of intervention measures to support survival and recovery of micro, small and medium enterprises and sectors most affected, namely garment and tourism, and to provide minimum basic needs for 700,000 vulnerable households.

According to the Ministry of Economy and Finance (MEF), $829 million was spent for interventions in 2020, and $1.454 billion in 2021. For the national budget in 2022, under the “3Rs” pillars (“Recovery, Reforms, Resilience”), the government has earmarked $1.014 billion for intervention, making the total expense since 2020 amount to approximately $3.4 billion.

The MEF predicted growth for 2021 at 3.0% and 5.6% for 2022, expecting the economy gradually to reach its potential in the medium term, supported by global demand and a gradual recovery in investment confidence.

For 2022, three trends should be key for observation on development of Cambodia’s economy.

Monday, December 20, 2021

Economic aspects of ASEAN Community Building Efforts

Khmer Times, Opinion, 20 December 2021 (Link)
 

There is a tendency for media and public opinion to overly focus on the political security aspect of ASEAN. Indeed, the aspect is of high importance because without peace, a wide spectrum of cooperation and community building efforts cannot be done.

Nonetheless, with the intensification of superpower rivalry, while ASEAN can be flattered to receive unprecedented attention, it can also be submerged with agenda of superpowers and get lost from our own goals for the sake of community interest.

While ASEAN is being praised for being the center for specific geopolitical strategies of superpowers and major powers, in other words, it also means that ASEAN is becoming the central platform for superpower and major power rivalries.

There can be optimistic view that competition between major powers creates balance of power that in turn supports stability and prosperity of the region. But this narrative is only partially completed. We need to remind ourselves that geopolitical competition and rivalry had been pursued at the expense of peace for some part of the region during the 1970s and 1980s.

This lesson should not be forgotten, and not least, be repeated in the region. Being the theater for superpower and major powers rivalry does not serve the whole region well, if history is of any reminder for all of us.

For ASEAN, political security is not all about confrontation and rivalry. And ASEAN is not all about political security either.

For the benefit of our community, apart from the maintenance of peace and security, we need to constantly think about what kind of tangible benefits that the ASEAN community bring towards people in the region. How could the ASEAN community support the betterment of people’s livelihood in the region? This is where the economic pillar comes into play.

When  Covid-19 is still looming, the prospects for the economy is gloomy as countries look internally for economic security and survival, and resorted to de-globalization, or at worst protectionism. Ensuring resilient economic recovery, revitalising post-pandemic competitiveness are among the key economic priorities for ASEAN in the near future.

To that end, among many areas of cooperation, three key areas should deserve stronger attention from media and public opinion.